844 resultados para television programmes


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Community-based arts and media movements have been intsrumental in building population-wide creative capacity for cultural development, social participation and social transformation in many parts of the world. Digital storytelling is a form of media practice that was pioneered in the United States at the intersection of these movements. It is described here as a ‘co-creative’ media production method. This description aims to differentiate the approaches to collaborative content creation that are used in community cultural development (CCD) and community media movements from those valued in professional and consumer modes of media production. Yet, the products of co-creative practices, such as digital stories, do not circulate widely through existing media networks or through the newer social media networks that Australian CCD and community media movements anticipated by at least twenty years. The complex politics of story ownership are one of a number of factors that often render ‘publication’ a secondary consideration in the making of digital stories. The possibility of ‘downstream’ use and re-use of stories in other networks is not usually considered in initial planning and development processes. As landmark projects such as Capture Wales indicate, even where stories are made for broadcast outcomes, television can be a problematic window for exhibiting digital stories. Scepticism about the brave new world of reality television and user generated content also circulates in digital storytelling networks, especially when it comes to ethical concerns for managing the risks of harm associated with widespread distribution of digital stories to indiscriminate publics. This publication reports on a collaborative action research project that took a closer look at some of the constraints relating to the problems of re-purposing digital stories for television. It focussed on ‘best practice’ for managing the risks of harm to storytellers in the process of re-purposing digital stories for broadcast on community television.

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Facial expression recognition (FER) systems must ultimately work on real data in uncontrolled environments although most research studies have been conducted on lab-based data with posed or evoked facial expressions obtained in pre-set laboratory environments. It is very difficult to obtain data in real-world situations because privacy laws prevent unauthorized capture and use of video from events such as funerals, birthday parties, marriages etc. It is a challenge to acquire such data on a scale large enough for benchmarking algorithms. Although video obtained from TV or movies or postings on the World Wide Web may also contain ‘acted’ emotions and facial expressions, they may be more ‘realistic’ than lab-based data currently used by most researchers. Or is it? One way of testing this is to compare feature distributions and FER performance. This paper describes a database that has been collected from television broadcasts and the World Wide Web containing a range of environmental and facial variations expected in real conditions and uses it to answer this question. A fully automatic system that uses a fusion based approach for FER on such data is introduced for performance evaluation. Performance improvements arising from the fusion of point-based texture and geometry features, and the robustness to image scale variations are experimentally evaluated on this image and video dataset. Differences in FER performance between lab-based and realistic data, between different feature sets, and between different train-test data splits are investigated.

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This article examines two instances of media policy involving satellite transmission and Indigenous television: the introduction of the Viewer Access Satellite Television (VAST) platform in 2010 and the introduction of AUSSAT in the mid-1980s. The government’s failure to provide community and Indigenous broadcasters with an access regime at the time of AUSSAT resulted in Australia’s first and only Indigenous commercial television licensee, Imparja. Over a quarter of a century later, Imparja now forms part of the joint-venture company that runs VAST, a key component of Australia’s digital switchover planning. During the passage of the legislative amendments required to establish VAST, the issue of access resurfaced – this time in relation to Australia’s national and community Indigenous television channels. The article recounts the events leading up to the 2010 Bill, and examines the intended and unintended consequences of satellite policy in relation to Indigenous media, including equalisation and transparency of government funding programs.

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This is the protocol for a review and there is no abstract. The objectives are as follows: To assess the effects of education programmes for skin cancer prevention in the general population. Description of the condition Skin cancer is a term that includes both melanoma and keratinocyte cancer. Keratinocyte cancer (also known as nonmelanoma skin cancer) generally refers to basal cell carcinoma (BCC) and squamous cell carcinoma (SCC), although it also includes other rare cutaneous neoplasms (Madan 2010). Skin cancer is the most common cancer in populations of predominantly fair-skinned people (Donaldson 2011; Lomas 2012; Stern 2010), with incidence increasing (Garbe 2009; Leiter 2012). There are variations in annual incidence rates between these populations, with Australia reporting the highest rate of skin cancer in the world (Lomas 2012). In 2012, the estimated age-standardised incidence rate for melanoma was almost 63 per 100,000 people for Australian men, and 40 per 100,000 people for Australian women (AIHW 2012). In Europe, incidence rates range from 10 to 15 per 100,000 people (Garbe 2009; Lasithiotakis 2006), with rates highest amongst men (Stang 2006). In the United States, incidence rates are approximately 18 per 100,000 people (Garbe 2009),with the highest rates reported forwomen (Bradford 2010). Keratinocyte cancer is much more common than melanoma. In 2012, the estimated Australian age-standardised rates for BCCand SCC were 884 and 387 per 100,000 people, respectively (Staples 2006). The cumulative three-year risk of developing a subsequent keratinocyte cancer is 18% for SCC and 44% for BCC (Marcil 2000).

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Capacity reduction programmes, in the form of buybacks or decommissioning, have had relatively widespread application in fisheries in the US, Europe and Australia. A common criticism of such programmes is that they remove the least efficient vessels first, resulting in an increase in average efficiency of the remaining fleet, which tends to increase the effective fishing power of the remaining fleet. In this paper, the effects of a buyback programme on average technical efficiency in Australia’s Northern Prawn Fishery are examined using a multi-output production function approach with an explicit inefficiency model. As expected, the results indicate that average efficiency of the remaining vessels was generally greater than that of the removed vessels. Further, there was some evidence of an increase in average scale efficiency in the fleet as the remaining vessels were closer, on average, to the optimal scale. Key factors affecting technical efficiency included company structure and the number of vessels fishing. In regard to fleet size, our model suggests positive externalities associated with more boats fishing at any point in time (due to information sharing and reduced search costs), but also negative externalities due to crowding, with the latter effect dominating the former. Hence, the buyback resulted in a net increase in the individual efficiency of the remaining vessels due to reduced crowding, as well as raising average efficiency through removal of less efficient vessels.

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Twitter is a social media service that has managed very successfully to embed itself deeply in the daily lives of its users. Its short message length (140 characters), and one-way connections (‘following’ rather than ‘friending’), lead themselves effectively to random and regular updates on almost any form of personal or professional activity. Thus, it has found uses from the interpersonal (e.g. Boyd et al., 2010) through crisis communication (e.g. Bruns et al., 2012), to political debate (e.g. Burgess & Bruns, 2012). In such uses, Twitter does not necessarily replace existing media channels, such as broadcasting or online mainstream media, but often complements them, providing its users with alternative opportunities to contribute more actively to the wider media sphere. This is true especially where Twitter is used alongside television, as a simple backchannel to live programming or for more sophisticated uses. In this article, we outline four aspects and dimensions, of the way that the old medium of television intersects, and in some cases, interacts with the new medium of Twitter. Tweeting about the television has always been a social media form. It has also consistently provided key ‘talking points’ for western societies...

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This article reports on the public lecture given by Associate Professor Ron Jacobs from the State University of New York in June, 2011. The lecture titled 'What’s wrong with television: media narratives of economic crisis', was held at The University of Melbourne in association with Thesis Eleven’s ‘Festival of Ideas’. In his talk, Jacobs discussed the ways in which media narratives inform and shape social life and described how major economic, social and political events are represented and re-told in the making of news.

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Social media is playing an ever-increasing role in both viewers engagement with television and in the television industries evaluation of programming, in Australia – which is the focus of our study - and beyond. Twitter hashtags and viewer comments are increasingly incorporated into broadcasts, while Facebook fan pages provide a means of marketing upcoming shows and television personalities directly into the social media feed of millions of users. Additionally, bespoke applications such as FanGo and ZeeBox, which interact with the mainstream social networks, are increasingly being utilized by broadcasters for interactive elements of programming (c.f. Harrington, Highfield and Bruns, 2012). However, both the academic and industry study of these platforms has focused on the measure of content during the specific broadcast of the show, or a period surrounding it (e.g. 3 hours before until 3 am the next day, in the case of 2013 Nielsen SocialGuide reports). In this paper, we argue that this focus ignores a significant period for both television producers and advertisers; the lead-up to the program. If, as we argue elsewhere (Bruns, Woodford, Highfield & Prowd, forthcoming), users are persuaded to engage with content both by advertising of the Twitter hash-tag or Facebook page and by observing their network connections engaging with such content, the period before and between shows may have a significant impact on a viewers likelihood to watch a show. The significance of this period for broadcasters is clearly highlighted by the efforts they afford to advertising forthcoming shows through several channels, including television and social media, but also more widely. Biltereyst (2004, p.123) has argued that reality television generates controversy to receive media attention, and our previous small-scale work on reality shows during 2013 and 2014 supports the theory that promoting controversial behavior is likely to lead to increased viewing (Woodford & Prowd, 2014a). It remains unclear, however, to what extent this applies to other television genres. Similarly, while networks use of social media has been increasing, best practices remain unclear. Thus, by applying our telemetrics, that is social media metrics for television based on sabermetric approaches (Woodford, Prowd & Bruns, forthcoming; c.f. Woodford & Prowd, 2014b), to the period between shows, we are able to better understand the period when key viewing decisions may be made, to establish the significance of observing discussions within your network during the period between shows, and identify best practice examples of promoting a show using social media.

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The globalised world: The current higher education community The last decade has seen rapid changes in the landscape of higher education (HE) throughout the world, largely as a product of globalisation. A major effect has been to propel the interconnectedness between nations and people across the globe (Scholte, 2005). The use of information and communication technology (ICT) has diminished the distance between countries. The world’s economies are becoming more integrated and interrelated through neoliberal economic policies, free trade agreements and open access of goods and services beyond national borders, policies promulgated by organisations such as the World Trade Organization and The World Bank (Marginson & Ordorika, 2011; Mok, 2011). As a consequence, universities are operating at global, national and local levels simultaneously. In the Pacific region, new universities are emerging. For example, Fiji now has one regional and two national universities; Samoa has a national university and Solomon Islands has an institute of higher education. These new players add to regional competition as they open opportunities for global partnerships and transnational programmes. Thus, participating at these multiple levels is inevitable, and no university is immune to these changes (Marginson, Kaur & Sawir, 2011a). Universities are now part of the global HE community that cannot be confined within a nation’s borders. Transitional HE programmes are perhaps one of the most evident demonstrations of the interconnectedness of universities across countries in this global era.

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Introduction- This study investigates the prevailing status of Nepalese media portrayal of natural disasters. It is contributing to the development of a disaster management model to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of news production throughout the continuum of prevention, preparedness, response and recovery (PPRR) phases of disaster management. Theoretical framework- Studies of media content often rely on framing as the theoretical underpinning of the study, as it describes how the press crafts the message. However there are additional theoretical perspectives that underline an understanding of the role of the media. This article outlines a conceptual understanding of the role of the media in modern society, the way that this conceptual understanding is used in the crafting of media messages and how those theoretical considerations are applied to the concepts that underpin effective disaster management. (R.M. Entman, 2003; Liu, 2007; Meng & Berger, 2008). Methodology- A qualitative descriptive design is used to analyse the disaster news of Nepal Television (NTV). However, this paper presents the preliminary findings of Nepal Television (a government owned Television station) using qualitative content analysis of 105 natural disaster related news scripts (June 2012-March 2013) based on the framing theory and PPRR cycle. Results- The preliminary results indicate that the media focus while framing natural disasters is dominated by human interest frame followed by responsibility frame. News about response phase was found to be most prominent in terms of PPRR cycle. Limited disaster reporting by NTV has impacted the national disaster management programs and strategies. The findings describe natural disasters are being reported within the limited understanding of the important principles of disaster management and PPRR cycle. Conclusion- This paper describes the current status of the coverage of natural disasters by Nepal Television to identify the frames used in the news content. It contributes to determining the characteristics of effective media reporting of natural disasters in the government owned media outlets, and also leads to including communities and agencies involved in disasters. It suggests the frames which are best suited for news making and how media responds to the different phases of the disaster cycle.

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Despite the wide array of contemporary advertising formats and media, television advertising remains the most dominant form to which typical consumers are exposed. Research on attitudes toward advertising in general (Att-AiG) implicitly assumes that the Att-AiG measure represents advertising as a whole. A major finding of the current research is that consumers tend to have a mental representation, or exemplar, of the most typical type of advertising—television advertising—when they report their Att-AiG. Therefore, in reality, Att-AiG primarily reflects attitudes toward television advertising. In addition, the results of our experiments indicate that television ad exemplars generate temporal changes in consumers’ reported Att-AiG and attitudes toward television advertising. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

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Under the legacy of neoliberalism, it is important to consider how the indigenous people, in this case of Australia, are to advance, develop and achieve some approximation of parity with broader societies in terms of health, educational outcomes and economic participation. In this paper, we explore the relationships between welfare dependency, individualism, responsibility, rights, liberty and the role of the state in the provision of Government-funded programmes of sport to Indigenous communities. We consider whether such programmes are a product of ‘white guilt’ and therefore encourage dependency and weaken the capacity for independence within communities and individuals, or whether programmes to increase rates of participation in sport are better viewed as good investments to bring about changes in physical activity as (albeit a small) part of a broader social policy aimed at reducing the gaps between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians in health, education and employment.