936 resultados para confluence of powers
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Evapotranspiration rates for a eight month old tropical pasture were estimated using the Penman-Monteith equation. Transpiration rates for several woody secondary successional species and stump sprous in the pasture and conucos (farm sites) were measured using the tritiated water technique.The stuty area was located near the village of San Carlos de Rio Negro (1° 56' N, 67° 03' W) in southern Venezuela, near the confluence of the Casiquiare and the Rio Guania wich forms the Rio Negro. The terrain was gently rolling with the areas between the small ridges supporting Amazon caatina forests on spodosols, and higher never flooded areas (tierra firma) supporting a mixed species forest.Results indicated that for a one month period, ET loss (0.46 cm/day) from the pasture, including soil and root mat evaporation, was about 0.43 cm/day less than estimated from the adjacent undisturbed forest (0.89 cm/day). Pan A evaporation for the same time period was 0.64 cm/day. Transpiration rates for seed established species were significantly less (0.38 cm/day) than for stump sprouts (1.09 cm/day) of the primary forest in the pasture.
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Tese de Doutoramento em Estudos da Criança (área de especialização em Literatura para a Infância).
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Constructivist approaches to journalism, which have dominated the field for most of the second half of the 20th century, underline how selection and ranking processes produce representations and interpretations of social reality. Theoretical perspectives such as agenda-setting or framing have been pointing to the ways production of news messages are shaped and issues are defined. Research inspired by these contributions does however seem to keep in an area of relative shade not so much what is said and published but what is not selected: the unsaid, the withheld, the untold of journalism. The reality that remains in silence, for not being noticed or for being silenced, is the reverse of the coin of what is made visible. In this paper, it is suggested that this situation opens up the debate to a relatively unknown continent, which could contribute to the larger discussion on the current crisis in journalism. It is our contention that ‘the untold’ might be at the confluence of different levels: the journalistic agenda-setting by news sources; the deterioration of working conditions of journalists, compromising the investigation; and the social capital asymmetries from important segments of the population, hampering the public word (speech?) and the right to communicate. In order to build a comprehensive picture of the potentialities and contradictions of journalism from the unsaid side, we would put forward the outline of a typology of journalism's silences, with particular emphasis on some aspects of "discursive discrimination" (Boréus, 2006), on the one hand, and on citizen silence in the process of journalistic production, on the other hand.
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Relatório de estágio de mestrado em Ciências da Comunicação (área de especialização em Publicidade e Relações Públicas)
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This article examines the determinants of positional incongruence between pre-election statements and post-election behaviour in the Swiss parliament between 2003 and 2009. The question is examined at the individual MP level, which is appropriate for dispersion-of-powers systems like Switzerland. While the overall rate of political congruence reaches about 85%, a multilevel logit analysis detects the underlying factors which push or curb a candidate's propensity to change his or her mind once elected. The results show that positional changes are more likely when (1) MPs are freshmen, (2) individual voting behaviour is invisible to the public, (3) the electoral district magnitude is not small, (4) the vote is not about a party's core issue, (5) the MP belongs to a party which is located in the political centre, and (6) if the pre-election statement dissents from the majority position of the legislative party group. Of these factors, the last one is paramount.
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Segons L'índex de Desenvolupament Democràtic d'Amèrica Llatina (IDD-Lat 2004) tot i que a la zona hi ha símbols democràtics com eleccions periòdiques, alternança en el poder per part dels partits polítics, divisió de poders, en alguns dels països llatinoamericans també s'hi ha trobat signes de debilitat del sistema democràtic.
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The role of Older People's Commissioner for Wales was created with a range of powers to help improve the lives of older people in Wales. This is the first Commission of its kind. Many groups and individuals worked to bring this independent post into being, and the Commissioner's powers reflect their serious intent to challenge the barriers and discrimination that face older people.
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We study the equidistribution of Fekete points in a compact complex manifold. These are extremal point configurations defined through sections of powers of a positive line bundle. Their equidistribution is a known result. The novelty of our approach is that we relate them to the problem of sampling and interpolation on line bundles, which allows us to estimate the equidistribution of the Fekete points quantitatively. In particular we estimate the Kantorovich-Wasserstein distance of the Fekete points to its limiting measure. The sampling and interpolation arrays on line bundles are a subject of independent interest, and we provide necessary density conditions through the classical approach of Landau, that in this context measures the local dimension of the space of sections of the line bundle. We obtain a complete geometric characterization of sampling and interpolation arrays in the case of compact manifolds of dimension one, and we prove that there are no arrays of both sampling and interpolation in the more general setting of semipositive line bundles.
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Education and health policy are two of the public policies, which in Spain have been assigned to the Autonomous Communities (AC). This transfer of powers could be considered a proof for the strong “self-rule” of the AC, which in turn shows that Spain could be classified as a federal state. In the following analysis the authors in some parts disagree with that conclusion, showing that considering the education area Spain is “heavy at the top”. Due to the state’s exclusive power to regulate the basic conditions guaranteeing the equality of all Spanish citizens, the important and final decisions are taken at the center through the framework legislation. The AC play a minor role in the legislation process, they have to adopt the center decisions. De-centralization and extension of the framework legislation are highly connected: The central state reacted with strong framework legislation to the stages of the educational decentralization process. In addition, the concentration of important framing powers within the central state does not make educational reforms more infrequent. However, such reforms are the results of a competition between the parties, and not between the AC or between the AC and the central state
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Authorize and direct the transfer of powers providing for the maintenance of the State Capital grounds, equipment, etc., as given to the Department of Buildings & Grounds to the General Services Department.
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Executive Orders from Governor Ray. Authorize and direct the transfer of powers, duites, etc. as given to the Printing Board of General Services Department
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Authorize and direct the transfer of powers providing for the purchase of all state-owned vehicles to the General Services Department.
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This article presents a formal model of policy decision-making in an institutional framework of separation of powers in which the main actors are pivotal political parties with voting discipline. The basic model previously developed from pivotal politics theory for the analysis of the United States lawmaking is here modified to account for policy outcomes and institutional performances in other presidential regimes, especially in Latin America. Legislators' party indiscipline at voting and multi-partism appear as favorable conditions to reduce the size of the equilibrium set containing collectively inefficient outcomes, while a two-party system with strong party discipline is most prone to produce 'gridlock', that is, stability of socially inefficient policies. The article provides a framework for analysis which can induce significant revisions of empirical data, especially regarding the effects of situations of (newly defined) unified and divided government, different decision rules, the number of parties and their discipline. These implications should be testable and may inspire future analytical and empirical work.
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This article presents a formal model of policy decision-making in an institutional framework of separation of powers in which the main actors are pivotal political parties with voting discipline. The basic model previously developed from pivotal politics theory for the analysis of the United States lawmaking is here modified to account for policy outcomes and institutional performances in other presidential regimes, especially in Latin America. Legislators' party indiscipline at voting and multi-partism appear as favorable conditions to reduce the size of the equilibrium set containing collectively inefficient outcomes, while a two-party system with strong party discipline is most prone to produce 'gridlock', that is, stability of socially inefficient policies. The article provides a framework for analysis which can induce significant revisions of empirical data, especially regarding the effects of situations of (newly defined) unified and divided government, different decision rules, the number of parties and their discipline. These implications should be testable and may inspire future analytical and empirical work.