162 resultados para clientelismo
Resumo:
Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar o processo de institucionalização da participação da sociedade civil na Câmara Municipal de São Paulo através de uma análise das audiências públicas do orçamento de 1990 a 2010. Levando em consideração o amplo debate sobre os limites da democracia representativa e a importância da participação da sociedade civil em suprir um suposto déficit democrático, este estudo analisa a participação da sociedade civil como parte e não como substituto de uma democracia representativa. Em termos de metodologia, trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa que visa enfatizar as características das entidades, dos processos e significados, usando os sentidos dados pelos atores sociais a fim de entender como a participação como experiência social é criada e seus sentidos produzidos. Utilizou-se a técnica de estudo de caso – amplamente adotada para a investigação de tópicos ainda pouco analisados, como é o caso da participação da sociedade civil no Legislativo –, incorporando-se elementos da técnica de estudo de campo longitudinal. Do ponto de vista teórico, esta tese foi guiada pelo institucionalismo na teoria das organizações, com ênfase nas suas microfundações, enfatizando as explicações culturais e cognitivas, muito ricas para o entendimento do fenômeno da participação. Na análise dos diferentes atores envolvidos no processo de institucionalização e suas diferentes lógicas de participação, as contribuições da teoria de sistemas autopoiéticos de Niklas Luhmann foram fundamentais, sendo possível identificar quatro subsistemas: poder legislativo, poder executivo, sociedade civil e burocracia da Câmara Municipal. A dinâmica dos diferentes subsistemas ao longo dos vinte anos de análise permite observar um conjunto de variáveis regulativas, normativas e cultural-cognitivas que influenciam o processo de institucionalização da participação. O estudo conclui que, apesar de institucionalizada, a participação na Câmara Municipal encontra obstáculos para ser exercida na prática, devido a limitações normativas e cultural-cognitivas que perpassam os diferentes subsistemas, principalmente o Poder Legislativo. Há dificuldade em institucionalizar a participação na Câmara Municipal de São Paulo, e isso ocorre porque os vereadores fazem parte de um subsistema autopoiético com valores e normas próprias e que dificulta a entrada do subsistema sociedade civil, que busca participar da discussão do orçamento. Existe certa abertura à participação, mas esta é moldada conforme padrões de conduta já existentes na interação entre parlamentar e sociedade civil, marcada por um forte clientelismo, sedimentando o que este estudo denomina de clientelismo orçamentário, uma participação voltada para o atendimento de demandas pontuais da sociedade civil que se realizam através de emendas, e não por uma participação voltada à discussão de políticas públicas e de um verdadeiro controle social do orçamento público.
Resumo:
Esta dissertação discute a questão da participação popular em políticas públicas tendo como base a análise do caso da Agenda 21 local em Barueri. Parte- se da revisão teórica sobre a participação, desde a emergência do tema entre os movimentos sociais na Europa, até a chegada da discussão ao Brasil. A partir desta revisão são tratados aspectos teóricos do clientelismo político, visando contrapor a prática política existente e legitimada com os dilemas da implantação de ações participativas. A investigação foi realizada sob a perspectiva de campo-tema, sendo construída a partir da leitura de narrativas. O que se observa é uma dificuldade em promover mudanças no formato de condução das políticas em Barueri oriunda da incapacidade do governo em mobilizar a população e demonstrar a importância e confiabilidade de práticas participativas. Este trabalho busca demonstrar quais foram as falhas e dilemas deste processo e propõe formas de se avaliar e discutir a implantação da participação popular como nova prática política.
Resumo:
O estudo tem como objetivo identificar na evolução das políticas públicas para erradicação do trabalho escravo os diferentes atores e a dinâmica das relações entre eles. A ocorrência da escravidão contemporânea pôde se dar a partir da contribuição de alguns fatores estruturais e conjunturais, tais como o processo de aprofundamento do capitalismo e de modernização conservadora no país e especificamente na agricultura e relações políticas, sociais e históricas que perpetuam a enorme concentração fundiária brasileira. Além disso, algumas relações pessoais, sociais e políticas de intermediação de interesses entre Estado e sociedade, tais como clientelismo e patronagem e redes de políticas, de modo geral e de forma mais específica nas políticas agrárias, também interferem no desenvolvimento dos processos de políticas públicas e dentre elas nas políticas de combate ao trabalho escravo. Desse modo, a dissertação tem como problema a investigação da dinâmica das relações entre atores governamentais e nãogovernamentais na formulação e implantação das políticas públicas de erradicação ao trabalho escravo no Brasil. Para tanto, o estudo foi realizado por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de campo, tendo entrevistado os seguintes atores políticos: MTE, MPT, OIT, CPT, ONG Repórter Brasil, GPTEC e OAB. Os dados foram analisados pelo método de análise de conteúdo, sob um viés qualitativo. Os resultados da pesquisa permitiram identificar a formação de múltiplas redes entre os atores governamentais e não-governamentais envolvidos nesta questão, demonstrando certa divisão entre as redes que atuam lutando pelo combate ao trabalho escravo e outras que se posicionam como uma certa resistência a esse combate, devido a interesses econômicos e políticos, revelando, assim, um jogo de forças que ora apresenta avanços e conquistas, ora mostra retrocessos ou estagnação na luta contra a escravidão contemporânea brasileira.
Resumo:
O objetivo do trabalho é compreender a configuração atual da administração pública brasileira a partir da identificação dos seus atributos caracterizadores, tomando como ponto de partida a rejeição da ideia de modelos rígidos e de ruptura entre esses modelos. Os caminhos teóricos percorridos, e que culminaram com a construção de um quadro teórico preliminar, contemplaram inicialmente: a análise histórico-conceitual das relações entre sociedade, Estado e administração pública; a análise da formação do Estado brasileiro desde o período colonial até os dias atuais; a apresentação das configurações da administração pública brasileira, consagradas pela literatura e seus respectivos atributos. Em seguida, foram resgatadas as bases teóricas da administração pública patrimonial, desde a ideia weberiana de dominação patrimonial até as contribuições de alguns interpretes do pensamento social brasileiro à luz da experiência nacional. Foram apresentadas as bases teóricas da administração pública burocrática, desde o tipo ideal weberiano de dominação racional-legal até a releitura do seu processo de implementação e desenvolvimento no Brasil. Também foram expostas as bases teóricas da administração pública gerencial, desde sua origem a nível mundial até os efeitos de seu marco inaugural no Brasil, o Plano Diretor da Reforma do Aparelho do Estado. A pesquisa, predominantemente qualitativa, assumiu três tipologias: bibliográfica, documental e de campo, permitindo o emprego da triangulação. A pesquisa de campo processou-se por meio de nove entrevistas, com roteiro semi-estruturado, com experts em administração pública brasileira. Para a pesquisa documental, foram selecionadas, primordialmente fontes primárias, com ênfase em documentos oficiais, mas também matérias e reportagens em sites, jornais e revistas. Após a análise do conteúdo das entrevistas e dos documentos, chegou-se a quatro eixos temáticos, cada qual com suas respectivas unidades de significado, que permitiram identificar os atributos presentes na administração pública brasileira e definir sua configuração, são eles: a) heranças patrimonialistas, sendo elas o mandonismo (a personalização do poder), o clientelismo, o favoritismo e a cultura da corrupção; b) (dis)funções burocráticas, sendo elas o formalismo, a hierarquia de cargos e funções, a profissionalização do quadro administrativo e a (im)pessoalidade); c) práticas gerenciais, sendo elas a busca da efetividade, as técnicas do management, a governança e a gestão transparente e participativa; e d) novos arranjos do Estado em rede, sendo elas o Estado Global, a cultura da virtualidade, a lógica das redes e o governo eletrônico. Esses eixos permitiram a construção de um quadro final de interpretações que demonstra a presença de atributos patrimonialistas, burocráticos e gerenciais na administração pública brasileira, e também atributos do que se chama de administração pública em rede, principal achado da pesquisa, o que explica a sua configuração múltipla.
Resumo:
In Brazil, the selection of school principals is set in a decentralized manner by each state and city, such that processes may vary with time for a specific locality. In the state of Bahia, school principals were appointed by a higher political hierarchy until 2008, when schools under state administration started selecting principals by elections. The main goal of this work is to evaluate whether changing this specific rule affected students proficiency levels. This is achieved by using a panel data and difference-in-differences approachs that compares state schools (treatment group) to city schools (control group) that did not face a selection rule change and thus kept having their principals politically appointed. The databases used are Prova Brasil 2007, 2009 and 2011, the first one prior and the other two former to the policy change. Our results suggest that students attending schools with principals that are selected and elected have slightly lower mean proficiency levels both in mathematics and in portuguese exams than those attending schools with appointed principals. This result, according to the literature, could be related to perverse effects of selecting school administrators by vote, such as corporatism, clientelism and politicization of the school environment
Resumo:
The reality experienced by many families and individuals who seek and require the services of the Unified Health System - SUS, the relationships between users, health professionals, and political representatives, establishes the core of the issue that guides the choice and interest of this study concerning the prominence of clientelist practices and gifts that permeate the health field. The research is based on the analysis and reflection of the intrinsic relationship between the health and political fields. It analyses the health field and its relationship with the dynamics and developments of the local political scenario relating it to the implementation of the Family Health Program and Community Health Agents Program (PACS/PSF health programs) in the city of Mossoró, State of Rio Grande do Norte which refers to the period 1991-2010; and falls into a methodological perspective of qualitative approach. The methodological tools and techniques used were based on semi-structured interviews, direct observation of the field, journalistic texts and documentary sources. The construction and questioning of the object of the research were based on theoretical contributions from authors discussing the social field and symbolic power: Bourdieu (2005); clientelist relationships and gifts from asymmetric exchanges: Rouland (1997), Lanna (1995), Martins (1999), Carvalho (1999), Diniz (1982); exercise of hegemony and political strategy from authors who analyse this subject: Gramsci (1995), Coutinho (1981), and Gruppi (1978). Furthermore, the research has established dialogues with authors who address the dynamics of Brazilian politics such as Baquero (2001) and Weffort (1993). The collected data were subjected to qualitative content analysis. The results showed that with the implementation of the PACS/PSF programs in the aforementioned city, the health field has established itself as a key scenario for the exercise of political hegemony of the factions that dominate this socio-political context, resizing clientelist practices, however, without modifying the power structures within this social scenario
Resumo:
As one of the most important cities in the state of Pernambuco, Petrolina is settled in the Pernabucanian backwoods, a place that still holds its own traditions and manners. Petrolina s economy is mainly based on primary activities. It s politics is run by Family groups which preserve themselves and remain in power, using the clientelism, which could be said as a give and get practice. That means that the suffrage is a currency to exchange benefits. The present study analyses facts occurred in the political history of the Coelho s Family, which still dominates the local Politics. They persist as heirs of the old system of Coronelism that is maintaining their power structuring a political machine, which is able to make them unbeatable for over fifty years. Despite of a family internal division, it benefits all of them, directly or indirectly. Based on empirical observation, we set a brief historical of the Coelho s family facts, in order to demonstrate the range of their power through the ancestry, which is to say we ve described the local political labyrinths. Our metodological choices were driven by the comprehensive sociology, through the Weberian ideal types, in order to find the answers for the historical, social and political conformation of the facts, in consonance with the reality. According to that, we ve studied the Coelho s political trajectory from 1968 to 2012, considering the election periods. Commonplace: where a new generation becomes active subjects on a new apprenticeship, moral and intellectual. After all, they are all family heirs
Resumo:
Our object is to analyze the experiences in participative management in the cities o Natal and Maceió. The center of our interests is to evaluate if the operational changes in public administration in Brazil have really caused transformations in the municipal government which tend to constitute democracy in our country. The enlargement of civil society participation experiences in public management (at least as a proposal) has led to a great diversity of results even when executed by individuals from the same political party or with the same ideological interests. Thus, we investigate why the participative management process takes place in different forms even when the managers belong to the same party and share the same ideas. We based our analysis in the analytical scheme developed by Esping-Andersen (1991) in his studies about the cause for different welfare states in the world. We defend the thesis that the specifities in management are explained through an integrative analysis between the capacity of organization existent in society, the kind of govern coalition and the institutional legacy present in both cities. The complete analysis of the two experiences studied shows that there are similarities specially in the mayors government forms and in the importance they give in their speech to the participation of society as the element which sustains the management. Nevertheless, although both mayors are connected to the political party project, there are also differences in the advance of such process mainly because of the basis work performed by the left party among the popular movement, the kind of govern coalition which has been developed in the city and by the institutional legacy left by the former administration
Resumo:
This scholarly work aims to investigate the feasibility and constitutionality of access to justice through the provision of full and free legal assistance by the Brazilian municipalities. Investigates the historical aspects of federalism in a global context, emphasizing the contributions left by American federalism. In the Brazilian context, emphasizing the importance of municipalities as federal entities and their outstanding characteristics, while addressing regional issues of federalism. Leanings to the more detailed analysis of the Brazilian municipalities, contextualizing its legal status, its independence and its constitutional powers. It is emphasized in the same way, the relevant transformations of Brazilian municipalities over the last twenty years of this Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil in 1988, especially the various constitutional amendments that affected the local autonomy and budgetary aspects, fiscal and skills, bringing significant changes to the municipalities. It is an approach to the concept of justice and deepening the studies on the fundamental right of access to justice in its various connotations. In this vein, it is a study on the legal advice provided in Brazil, especially the powers of the Public Defender of the States and Union, as well as the provision of such public service by Brazilian municipalities and its relevance to citizens in need. At this point, it deepens the relevance of the theme of this dissertation earning the implications of municipal performance in the provision of legal assistance provided to the needy, and the activity of the Municipal Attorney or legal counsel in conducting such a task and its implications for legal and procedural especially on the constitutionality or otherwise of the conduct of such public service, confronting the constitutional articles that are correlated with the subject. Within this context, evaluates the municipal legal assistance under the test of constitutionality, in particular the assistance given by the Executive, through the Municipal Attorney or specialized secretariats and that provided by the Legislature, although it only has the typical functions of legislating and control the municipal accounts, comes in a few municipalities in Brazil deploying sectors with the performance of legal services to the needy. At this point the thesis, one wonders if some important aspects of this activity such as political influence and patronage, very common in day-to-day municipal prosecutors and legal advisers, public employees or occupying commissioned positions within the municipal administrative structure in several municipalities throughout Brazil. Finally, there will be a conclusion as to the constitutionality of the service being done by presenting proposals and recommendations that may improve the municipal legal aid, allowing a constitutional backing to this important service is being provided in capital cities and municipalities throughout the length of Brazil
Resumo:
It analyzes the magnitude, the nature and the direction of public revenues and the public expenses in oil and natural gas producing municipalities in the state of Rio Grande do Norte in the post-constituent period, and, more precisely, from the approval of Law 9.478/97, called Oil Law . It argues the fiscal federalism normative theory, the typology and the role of the intergovernamental transferences in the performance of the public finances of the local governments. Shows that the economy of Rio Grande do Norte went through deep social-economic changes in the last few decades, among which includes the discovery of the oil and the natural gas and its importance for the growth of the industrial and services sectors. It points out that the increase of the production and the international price of the oil contributed for the growth in revenues of royalties and the special participation in the beneficiary cities, what did not mean an automatic increase in the resources destined to the investment and in the quality on the provision of the goods and services come back toward the local development. On the contrary, the main conclusion of the work is that the trajectory of the oil producing municipalities is marked by paths and embezzlements in the performance of the public finances and in the provision of public goods and services. Paths, that lead to the improvement of the performance of the public finances and the quality of the public goods and services. Embezzlements, that lead to the inefficiency in the provision of goods and services and the capture of the public resources. That is, the fiscal decentralization is a necessary condition, however not enough to improve the amount and the quality of the public goods and services given by these municipalities. For that it is necessary to advance in the fiscal federalism normative theories, in search of optimum model of federalism in local governments where still predominated by patrimonialism, clientelism, fiscal illusion and the capture of the public resources in benefit of the private interests
Resumo:
This work is part of the research group studying agribusiness chains, by characterizing agroindustrial chain of cashew nuts in Rio Grande do Norte, with special emphasis on Sertão de Apodi Citizenship Territory, showing their different flows and linkages and analyzes generating jobs and income in the production of this good, from the experience of COOPAPI, using as a methodology for analyzing the input-output matrix. And this is justified by the fact that Brazil is in the context as the world's fifth largest producer of cashew nuts and the production of this product focus in the Northeast, especially the Rio Grande do Norte, which is the second largest producer of region, behind only the state of Ceará, which is the largest producer in the country. Moreover, in recent years the state has increased its insertion in international markets this product, particularly the Mossoró-Assu Territory, which constitutes the largest producer in the state, particularly the municipality of Serra do Mel, which has an arrangement different yield, based on the model of integrated rural development, embodied in family farming. Nevertheless, the Sertão de Apodi Citizenship appear as the fourth among the Citizenship territories of Rio Grande do Norte in the ranking of the production of cashew nuts, but the prevailing model of Cooperatives in the Territory, based on the Solidarity Economy, i,e, different from the old cooperative, which is based on the precepts as patronage, with cooperative owners, favor, etc.., encourages scientific research. In this, after a careful analysis of data from field research, it was noticed that among the links in the chain, the production link is what generates the most jobs, while the processing link commands to generate income, but a portion meaningful occupations and income are generated outside the territory, especially out of state RN, denouncing the gap in supply of some specific demands within the chain
Resumo:
The relationship between mayors and patients Who use a Casa de Apoio in Natal, RN, shows us some traditional political features anda t the same time happens in na urban and modern context, regulated by a formal institution, the State. The Oestana, as is named this Casa de Apoio, offers daily that are paid by some City Halls located in the West of Rio Grande do Norte where people go away to capital from which they have medical and hospital care. This assistance includes paid services like accommodation, food, transportation, etc., as well as services that aren´t paid as information, support and hospital material, for example. When the patients access these service, they will gain a debt with a services provider (the mayor) which its eventually paid with the vote in the municipal elections. The goal is to understand the social, the political, the symbolic and mainly the life meaning of this relationship. Our research was developed by interviews with Oestanas users and regular visits to this house that showed a political bond regulated by moral and subjection, but is reconfigured by new social categories as the affection and the logical networks.
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Incluye Bibliografía
El capital social campesino en la gestión del desarrollo rural: díadas, equipos, puentes y escaleras
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Incluye Bibliografía
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Incluye Bibliografía