The European Union’s Response to Piracy: Are the Lessons Learned in the Horn of Africa a Model for the Gulf of Guinea? EU Diplomacy Paper/2015

The European Union (EU) is seen as the leading actor in successfully fighting piracy around the Horn of Africa. As a global trade power with strong economic interests, the EU is also challenged by similar maritime security threats in the Gulf of Guinea. To date, there has been no comprehensive analysis to assess the potential transfer of successful EU instruments from the Horn of Africa to the piracy situation in West African waters. This paper examines to what extent the EU can draw on its experience made in the Horn of Africa to deter piracy in West African waters. Based on qualitative research interviews, lessons learned from East Africa are identified and subsequently applied to the situation in the Gulf of Guinea. The results show that the EU is only partially drawing on its experience made in the Horn of Africa. One the one hand, it is rather reluctant to use crisis management instruments such as naval operations. On the other hand, the EU is drawing on its successful leadership in international political and military cooperation from around the Horn of Africa in order to make more effective use of available resources in the Gulf of Guinea.

Shades of CORDS in the Kush : the false hope of "unity of effort" in American counterinsurgency /

"Counterinsurgency (COIN) requires an integrated military, political, and economic program best developed by teams that field both civilians and soldiers. These units should operate with some independence but under a coherent command. In Vietnam, after several false starts, the United States developed an effective unified organization, Civil Operations and Revolutionary Development Support (CORDS), to guide the counterinsurgency. CORDS had three components absent from our efforts in Afghanistan today: sufficient personnel (particularly civilian), numerous teams, and a single chain of command that united the separate COIN programs of the disparate American departments at the district, provincial, regional, and national levels. This paper focuses on the third issue and describes the benefits that unity of command at every level would bring to the American war in Afghanistan. The work begins with a brief introduction to counterinsurgency theory, using a population-centric model, and examines how this warfare challenges the United States. It traces the evolution of the Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) and the country team, describing problems at both levels. Similar efforts in Vietnam are compared, where persistent executive attention finally integrated the government's counterinsurgency campaign under the unified command of the CORDS program. The next section attributes the American tendency towards a segregated response to cultural differences between the primary departments, executive neglect, and societal concepts of war. The paper argues that, in its approach to COIN, the United States has forsaken the military concept of unity of command in favor of 'unity of effort' expressed in multiagency literature. The final sections describe how unified authority would improve our efforts in Afghanistan and propose a model for the future."--P. iii.

The Struggling State : Nationalism, Militarism, and the Education of Eritrea /

The Struggling State explores Eritreans’ disillusion with a government that permanently conscripts the vast majority of its citizens into the military, and examines teachers’ paradoxical roles as educators who are trying to create a bright and peaceful future for the nation while situated to shuttle their students into the military. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.

O ambiente interagências nas operações de pacificação do Complexo da Maré

O objetivo do presente estudo foi realizar uma análise da interação do Exército Brasileiro perante os 42 (quarenta e dois) órgãos civis e militares no conjunto de favelas da Maré e de que forma estas influenciaram na doutrina das operações militares de pacificação. A Operação São Francisco - iniciada em 5 de abril de 2014 pela Força de Pacificação (F Pac), foi designada aos componentes do Ministério da Defesa para assegurar e promover a garantia da lei e da ordem (GLO) pública nas comunidades do Complexo da Maré, na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. A metodologia proposta baseou-se em uma pesquisa aplicada com técnica de abordagem mista, através da pesquisa bibliográfica, da análise dos documentos e relatórios da F Pac e da realização de entrevistas aos integrantes das forças militares e dos civis que prestaram serviços públicos na região supracitada. Para isso, foi utilizado o método indutivo por meio dos testes estatísticos, que visaram identificar relacionamentos causais entre as demandas de serviços públicos civis atendidos nas comunidades, bem como a influência destas nas operações de pacificação e nas políticas de defesa voltadas à atualização da doutrina e das operações militares. As contribuições teóricas esperadas foram a observação das mudanças no emprego operacional em um ambiente com alta criminalidade e baixo Índice de Desenvolvimento Humano (IDH) e fornecer informações para o emprego colaborativo das instituições civis sob a proteção militar (mas não sob o controle militar). Isto visou proporcionar à população o acesso aos serviços públicos básicos com segurança e minimizou o desgaste das ações de GLO através da conquista da opinião pública local. As contribuições práticas esperadas residiram no aumento do potencial militar, através da integração de políticas públicas efetivas das pastas civis. As implicações referiram-se a abordagem e a maior interação entre as pastas governamentais militares e civis através da mediação da Seção de Assuntos Civis. As pesquisas deste trabalho evidenciaram por serem restritas ao contexto da pacificação de um conjunto de favelas da capital do Estado do Rio de Janeiro no ano de 2014.

Taming the tigers? Reforming the security sector in Southeast Asia

Despite global trends towards military reform characterized by processes of professionalization and democratization, militaries in Southeast Asia have continued to play prominent roles in domestic politics since 11 September. This suggests that wider patterns of global military reform have not had as great an impact on the control, capacity and cooperative functions of armed forces in Southeast Asia as they may have elsewhere. In order to explore why the security sector reform agenda has had so little impact in the region, we investigate recent patterns of civil-military relations in Southeast Asia by focusing on the experiences of four of the region's militaries: Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia. We argue that the security sector reform agenda is informed by a predominantly North American approach to civil-military relations based on a number of core assumptions that do not reflect Southeast Asian experiences. Hence, we ask whether the reform agenda itself could be modified to better suit the Southeast Asian context. We suggest that although the regional military sector has not reformed along a 'Western' path it is nonetheless possible to see other types of, and potential for, reform.

Concepções de formação profissional técnica de nível médio adotadas pelo IFRN: especificidades e (des)continuidades

The thesis deals with the concepts of technical tra ining of middle level adopted by the Federal Institute of Education, Science and Technology of R io Grande do Norte (IFRN). Discusses these concepts from the four political-pedagogical projects built in the period 1970 to 2010, spanning three institutionalities: Federal Technica l School of Rio Grande do Norte (1970- 1998), Federal Center of Technological Education of Rio Grande do Norte (1999-2008) and IFRN (from 2008) as well as three important politic al contexts of the country: Civil-Military Dictatorship, New Republic and Period of neoliberal ideas in Brazil. The goal is to analyze the configuration of the conceptions of training adopte d in the political-pedagogical projects IFRN, with emphasis on the specificities and (dis) contin uities, placing them in the context of political, economic and educational change in development in t he country. Addresses the relationship work, education and human development in capitalist society, in order to grasp the concept of employee training engendered by that company as wel l as the possibility of a counter- hegemonic formation. We analyze the formation of mi d-level concepts outlined in the educational reforms implemented in the country. We investigate the concepts of training outlined in the political-pedagogical projects IFRN . Makes use of the historical-dialectical materialism, the literature review, the documentary research and interviews were conducted with subjects who participated in the working group coordinator of the drafting of the political- institutional educational projects. The results sho w that the training of workers in capitalist society has a unilateral character; that the traini ng required by the working class is the omnilateral training; that the formative ideas that permeated the educational reforms in the country between 1970 and 2010 were all envisaged by unilateral training; that, in certain contexts, conceptions of technical training medium level outlined in the political-pedagogical projects IFRN reflect the formative perspectives th at guide educational reforms in the country (unilateral training) and, at other times, the inst itution adopts concepts (training omnilateral) that are not consistent with such prospects; and th at between the political-pedagogical projects built from 1970 to 2010 there are more continuities than breaks in relation to the concepts of training adopted. We conclude that the challenge is to institutionalize the IFRN their educational actions omnilateral designing training undertaken in the political-pedagogical project 2009.

A OAB no processo de transformação da sociedade brasileira: a seccional potiguar como espaço de redemocratização (1979-1988)

The period known as the Military Dictatorship (1964-1985) was a period of history marked by Brazil's control of state power by the Armed Forces together, this started with the Civil-Military Coup of April 1964. Was characterized as a time where political freedoms of expression and were placed in check by authoritarian and repressive measures taken by the military governments. The sectional potiguar of the Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB / RN), and the Federal Council of the institution, supported the establishment of this scam, but from the 1970s undertook measures that sought to corroborate the struggles around democracy the country, which has consolidated its image as a defender of democratic order. With the title inspired by the XII Meeting of OAB in October 1988, the research aims to analyze the participation of OAB / RN and its members within the Brazilian democratization. This analysis begins in 1979 with the participation of the entity in discussions Amnesty Policy to the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution, since the Constitution is the beginning of a full rule of law. We seek to understand the object as a space for democratization, combining the concepts of History, Memory and Politics. In the analyzes are guided theoretically by Jacques Le Goff, Pierre Nora, Maurice Halbwachs, Pierre Bourdieu and Hannah Arendt. Be rebuilt the period of democratic rule in the land potiguares birthing shares of OAB / RN, particularly in the following events: Amnesty Policy 1979, the mobilizations around the campaign of "Direct Now" and the 1988 Constitution We make use of legislation. minutes, papers and interviews built on Oral History.

Spanish monarchy and the Portuguese Republic: two routes to democratization

From 1974 to 1986 the Iberian Peninsula was the arena of major political changes. The process then undertaken was characterized by the transition from two Iberian authoritarian regimes to two democracies, which enabled both countries to join the European Economic Community (EEC) on 1 January 1986. However, the political vicissitudes until full membership of what became the European Union (EU) was achieved were very different and were decisively, although not exclusively, influenced by the fact Portugal was a republic and Spain a monarchy. In Portugal the 1974 revolution took place with consequent shift of the head of state while in Spain the engine of change was precisely the head of state: King Juan Carlos I. It is also true that despite the dangers to democracy (terrorism in Spain and some radicalism in Portugal) both societies supported the political parties committed to the democratic process in elections, which helped avoid tensions that could have defeated the process. Likewise, it is possible to argue that in Spain a plan to achieve democracy within the rule of law (an archetypal transition) was designed by the head of state, while in Portugal there was no pre-established plan – the programme of the Armed Forces Movement (Movimento das Forças Armadas [MFA]) was a weak and precarious compromise between different visions of the road to follow, enabling an intense political struggle that almost led to civil war and a dangerous state of crisis.

La actualización del modelo socialista y sus efectos en el Partido Comunista Cubano

El VI Congreso del Partido Comunista de Cuba introdujo una nueva agenda económica que el Gobierno llama la actualización del modelo socialista. Muchos piensan que en esencia se trata de una serie de reformas y reducen su importancia a su dimensión económica. Esta monografía busca explicar la actualización aplicando el análisis de sistemas-mundo de Immanuel Wallerstein, aportando una interpretación no convencional del fenómeno. Se puntualizará en las variables de poder y en los actores políticos que han determinado la nueva política económica: el Partido Comunista de Cuba (PCC) y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias (FAR). Ambos conforman lo que Wallerstein denomina un movimiento antisitémico. El argumento principal es que el movimiento ha puesto en marcha las reformas buscando fortalecer el Estado y así garantizar su supervivencia al consolidar su posición como el competidor único del poder estatal. Como se verá, estas metas han llevado al movimiento a sacrificar parte de su naturaleza antisistémica.

Participación política de las fuerzas militares: el caso colombiano

El objetivo general de esta monografía es explicar cómo se ha desarrollado la participación política de las Fuerzas Militares en la democracia colombiana; lo cual permitirá tener una visión clara del problema, y entender el cómo y el porqué de esta participación. La pregunta de investigación, guía de esta monografía, es la siguiente: ¿cómo se ha desarrollado la participación política de las Fuerzas Militares en la democracia colombiana?. A partir de esta pregunta se planteó la siguiente hipótesis: las Fuerzas Militares han participado dentro de la política colombiana, ya sea por medio de la formulación de la política de seguridad y defensa nacional o por las opiniones y actuaciones de los altos mandos militares, lo cual ha convertido a la institución en uno de los actores más importantes dentro de la democracia nacional. A su vez, se estableció cómo se llevan a cabo las relaciones entre las Fuerzas Militares y el Estado, en qué situaciones las Fuerzas Militares han recibido funciones constitucionales que no les corresponden y, qué tipo de actores y factores han motivado a las Fuerzas Militares a participar en política.

Contribución de la misión de naciones unidas en Guatemala – Minugua, a la promoción, defensa y garantía de los derechos de la población indígena guatemalteca (1994 a 2004)

El conflicto armado en Guatemala se originó por el abuso de poder, la desigualdad, la exclusión y la profunda discriminación, sobre todo hacia la población indígena, a la que se le han desconocido históricamente sus derechos y que fue la más afligida durante el conflicto. Lo que desembocó en el nacimiento de grupos al margen de la ley, cuyo propósito fue reivindicar los derechos de la población, así como la equidad y justicia social. El conflicto se caracterizó por la formación de grupos paramilitares, la violación al Derecho Internacional Humanitario, el elevado número de víctimas del conflicto, mayoritariamente indígenas y porque más del 85% de las violaciones a los derechos humanos fueron perpetradas por el Estado. Gracias a la voluntad política, al respaldo de la comunidad internacional, especialmente de la Organización de Naciones Unidas -ONU, y a los buenos oficios de la Comisión Nacional de Reconciliación – CNR, se lograron firmar los Acuerdos de Paz y dar fin a este cruento conflicto de más de 36 años. Las partes firmantes vieron la necesidad de que un ente autónomo e imparcial de Naciones Unidas, verificara el cumplimiento de La Misión de Naciones Unidas en Guatemala - MINUGUA contribuyó a la promoción, defensa y garantía de los derechos de la población indígena guatemalteca. Específicamente, incidió en el cumplimiento de los compromisos contenidos en el Acuerdo sobre Identidad y Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas guatemaltecos –AIDPI, que fue suscrito el 31 de marzo de 1995, asimismo, contribuyó a la garantía del derecho a la justicia de la población indígena, lo que se evidenció en las acciones y el papel que desempeñó en los componentes de verdad, justicia y reparación.

An outline of military technological dynamics as restraints for acquisition, international cooperation and domestic technological development

The expectation that technological returns from defense expenditure through acquisition, international cooperation and domestic research would further national development underappreciates the different technological dynamic of the armed services. This paper outlines the technological dynamic the stems from fighting in the air, at sea and on land, exemplifying consequences for the case of acquisition.

Iowa area command operation plan number 1 : military support of civil defense, 1975

Contains information on Iowa Area Command Operation Plan 1, Military Support of Civil Defense, Iowa Area Command, consisting of the basic plan and Annexes "A" through "N", is furnished for information, guidance and necessary actions of Commanders concerned.

Military empowerment and civilian targeting in civil war

Civilians constitute a large share of casualties in civil wars across the world. They are targeted to create fear and punish allegiance with the enemy. This maximizes collaboration with the perpetrator and strengthens the support network necessary to consolidate control over contested regions. I develop a model of the magnitude and structure of civilian killings in civil wars involving two armed groups who Öght over territorial control. Armies secure compliance through a combination of carrots and sticks. In turn, civilians di§er from each other in their intrinsic preference towards one group. I explore the e§ect of the empowerment of one of the groups in the civilian death toll. There are two e§ects that go in opposite directions. While a direct e§ect makes the powerful group more lethal, there is an indirect e§ect by which the number of civilians who align with that group increases, leaving less enemy supporters to kill. I study the conditions under which there is one dominant e§ect and illustrate the predictions using sub-national longitudinal data for Colombiaís civil war.