La política sanitaria del peronismo en Jujuy (1946-1952) : Emilio Navea y la transformación del sistema de salud pública

Este artículo se inserta analiza el complejo proceso de estructuración de las políticas sanitarias en la Argentina. Procura examinar la transformación del sistema de salud pública durante el primer gobierno peronista en Jujuy (1946-1952). En esta tarea se presta atención a la labor del máximo responsable del área sanitaria en el distrito: Emilio Navea. Son objeto de estudio sus antecedentes académicos, sus relaciones políticas, así como las iniciativas y reformas realizadas al sistema de salud local. Esta intensa actividad contribuiría de gran modo a su designación como candidato a vicegobernador, para las elecciones de 1951, en representación del peronismo jujeño.

Les conséquences géopolitiques du traité d’Apamée en Asie Mineure

Cette thèse considère les suites de la paix d’Apamée sur le plan des relations politiques entre les États d’Anatolie et sur l’évolution de la place tenue par cette péninsule dans l’ordre géopolitique méditerranéen. Le traité d’Apamée, conclu en 188 avant notre ère entre la puissance romaine et le royaume séleucide, fut un acte diplomatique majeur pour l’Asie Mineure et l’ensemble de la région anatolienne, libérés de la domination des Séleucides. Jusqu’ici, l’historiographie traditionnelle a abordé ce sujet selon deux perspectives, à savoir l’apparition de l’impérialisme romain en Orient et la vie politique et administrative des cités égéennes. À l’inverse, cette étude se concentre sur les principales puissances politiques de la région anatolienne : les royaumes. Dans le cadre de cet espace fragmenté et diversifié, des modifications de l’équilibre géopolitique régional peuvent être mises en relation avec le bouleversement de l’ordre méditerranéen, par le croisement de sources grecques, latines et orientales, ainsi qu’en faisant usage de procédés développés par le courant de la World History. L’évolution ultérieure de la situation mise en place à Apamée est étudiée jusqu’au point de disparition d’une Anatolie dirigée par des souverains non incorporés dans l’horizon impérial des grandes puissances étrangères, situation à laquelle les ultimes défaites de Mithridate VI du Pont et de Tigrane d’Arménie face à Rome mirent un terme définitif.

...Em busca da realidade... : a experiência da etnicidade dos Eleotérios (Catu/RN)

The south region of the Rio Grande do Norte has been historically recognized as a place of old indian villages. Inhabitants of the edges of the Catu River, border between the cities of Canguaretama and Goianinha, the Eleotérios in the threshold of 21st century had passed to be seen and self recognized as "remaining indians" of the RN. Their ethnic mobilizations, when becoming public had placed to the intellectual and political fields an old question to be reflected on: the asseverations concerning the "indian disappearing" in the State. This item brings with it other implications. Accessed by a para-oficial indigenism, the Eleotérios had started to establish political relations with the Potiguara indians of the Baía da Traição/PB and the Indian Movement, feeling stimulated to produce and to reproduce forms of social differentiation. In this context, this research is worried about elucidating the process of construction of the ethnicity among the Eleotérios, percepted from the social relations and politics kept with the amplest society, into a particular historical situation involving sugar cane fields owners, proprietaries, militants, researchers, ambiental agencies. The effects of these political and social relations had been extended, making Eleotérios appear to the society as susceptible social actors to the specific policies for the aboriginal populations

New challenges for the EU internal security strategy

In recent years, the EU and its member states have experienced a number of changes, as well as challenges, in the areas of politics, economics, security and law. As these areas are interconnected, changes and challenges to any of them have implications for the others, as well as implications for the populations and institutions of the EU or those coming into contact with its international power and influence. This edited collection focuses primarily on security and law, particularly the EU’s internal security strategy. The EU’s Internal Security Strategy, adopted by the Spanish presidency early in 2010, followed the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, building on previous developments within the EU in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice (AFSJ) policy. The focus of the EU Internal Security Strategy is to prevent and combat “serious and organised crime, terrorism and cybercrime, in strengthening the management of our external borders and in building resilience to natural and man-made disasters”. The Internal Security strategy intersects and overlaps with the European Union’s Counter-terrorism strategy, the Strategy for the External Dimension of JHA, and the EU’s Security Strategy. The role of and interaction between these strategies, their supplementing documents, and their implications for crime, victims, the law, political relations, democracy and human rights, form the backdrop against which the chapters in this collection are written. Building on original research by its contributors, this collection comprises work by authors from a wide variety of academic and professional areas and perspectives, as well as different countries, on a variety of areas and issues related to or raised by the EU’s Internal Security Strategy, from intelligence-led policing to human trafficking and port security. This book examines, from a wide variety of disciplinary perspectives including law, geography, politics and practice, both this further refinement of existing internal provisions on cross-border crime, and the increasing external relations of the EU in the AFSJ.

Dostęp do informacji jako wyznacznik polityczności

Artykuł dotyka problemu polityczności z punktu widzenia komunikacji, która – jako subdyscyplina politologii – stanowi integralną część programów nauczania przyszłych absolwentów tego kierunku, przez co konieczną wydaje się być dyskusja na temat umiejscowienia tego zagadnienia w ramach dyscypliny. Co ciekawe, dyskurs naukowy zdominowany przez zagadnienia związane z mediami i przesyłaniem danych kanałami informacyjnymi, często pomija kwestie komunikowania bezpośredniego i poziomego; tym odbywającą się między obywatelami, ale – przede wszystkim – samymi politykami. Informacja – jako podstawowa jednostka komunikacyjna – staje się tu jednym z elementów relacji o cesze polityczności oraz środkiem osiągania celów, wpisując się tym samym w dyskusję o podstawach teoretycznych dyscypliny i o granicach badań nad zjawiskami tradycyjnie podejmowanymi w swoich rozważaniach przez przedstawicieli nauk politycznych. The article takes up a problem of " the political " from communication point of view, which-as a sub-discipline of political science-is an integral part of the curriculum for future graduates of this discipline. It seems to be necessary to locate this issue in the branch of studies. Interestingly, scientific discourse dominated by media and information channels, often ignores direct and horizontal communication, especially between citizens and-above all-politicians themselves. Information, as the basic unit of communication, becomes the part of " political relations " and the specific form of meeting a political aim. Therefore, it " fits in " the discussion of theoretical foundations of this discipline and scope of research in the area of phenomenons traditionally analysed by representatives of political science.

Panika moralna w dyskursie publicznym. Rosjanie wobec współczesnej imigracji z Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej.

Wydział Nauk Społecznych: Instytut Socjologii

Poder sobre as periferias : A Casa de Bragança e o governo das terras no Alentejo (1640-1668)

Esta dissertação estuda as relações políticas entre a casa de Bragança e os poderes locais nos concelhos de Vila Viçosa, Arraiolos e Monsaraz, entre 1640 e 1668, a partir da prerrogativa jurisdicional de confirmar as vereações. A reconstituição dos autos eleitorais permitiu comparar o procedimento eleitoral que era seguido nas terras da casa de Bragança com o que era seguido na maioria dos concelhos do reino e avaliar comparativamente o peso da autoridade da casa de Bragança, do rei e de outros donatários sobre as terras. De seguida, a identificação dos diversos intervenientes no processo eleitoral permitiu caracterizar socialmente as elites locais e avaliar os níveis de coincidência das escolhas para os senados camarários entre as comunidades (periferias) e a Junta da Casa de Bragança (centro). Conclui-se que esta casa senhorial detinha privilégios que lhe reforçavam significativamente a capacidade de dominação sobre as suas áreas jurisdicionais. Summary; This dissertation studies the political relations between the House of Bragança and the local authorities in Vila Viçosa, Arraiolos and Monsaraz, between 1640 and 1668, considering the legal privilege of confirming councilors and other members of town halls senates. The recovery of different electoral documents led to the comparison of electoral procedures in lands ruled by the House of Bragança and those followed in most of the kingdom, and allowed a comparative study of the authority of the House of Bragança, the king and other landlords over its properties. Then, by identifying the different participants of the electoral process, we made a social characterization of local elites and analyzed the similarities of nominations to local town halls senates made by the different communities (peripheral) and by the House of Bragança's administrative council (central power). We concluded that this House detained certain privileges, which reinforced the dominance over the lands within its judicial authority.

...Em busca da realidade... : a experiência da etnicidade dos Eleotérios (Catu/RN)

The south region of the Rio Grande do Norte has been historically recognized as a place of old indian villages. Inhabitants of the edges of the Catu River, border between the cities of Canguaretama and Goianinha, the Eleotérios in the threshold of 21st century had passed to be seen and self recognized as "remaining indians" of the RN. Their ethnic mobilizations, when becoming public had placed to the intellectual and political fields an old question to be reflected on: the asseverations concerning the "indian disappearing" in the State. This item brings with it other implications. Accessed by a para-oficial indigenism, the Eleotérios had started to establish political relations with the Potiguara indians of the Baía da Traição/PB and the Indian Movement, feeling stimulated to produce and to reproduce forms of social differentiation. In this context, this research is worried about elucidating the process of construction of the ethnicity among the Eleotérios, percepted from the social relations and politics kept with the amplest society, into a particular historical situation involving sugar cane fields owners, proprietaries, militants, researchers, ambiental agencies. The effects of these political and social relations had been extended, making Eleotérios appear to the society as susceptible social actors to the specific policies for the aboriginal populations

Le geste cinématographique de performance : documenter et concrétiser l’espoir

En partant de la documentation filmique de deux performances (Da ist eine kriminelle Berührung in der Kunst [Ulay, 1976] et Data [Gagnon, 2010]) qui a comme particularité commune d’avoir été soumise à des manœuvres cinématographiques, ce mémoire élabore une théorisation permettant de les penser autrement qu’en tant que documents, mais en tant que films, et plus précisément en tant qu’œuvres esthétiques complémentaires à la performance d’origine. Tombant dans une béance théorique par le fait de leur hybridité supposément contradictoire (performance, éphémère/cinéma, préservation), les deux films nous invitent à penser une conceptualisation renouvelée de la performance. Depuis cette perspective, nous démontrerons que, si le geste de performance est lui-même enchâssé dans le geste cinématographique, c’est en fonction de cette co-constitution des œuvres qu’il faut les aborder : en plus de référer à un contenu performatif, ces films performent une réalité inachevée, en termes de classification théorique mais aussi en termes de valeur politique. Nous verrons finalement qu’à travers le thème fédérateur du détournement artistique, pensé dans un rapport critique des institutions culturelles, les deux œuvres ont pour visée une transformation qui a pour but l’établissement de nouveaux rapports sociaux et politiques. Ultimement, nous défendrons que cette intervention à même une structure sociale établie ne soit possible que si la performance d’origine est présentée cinématographiquement, par le concept du geste cinématographique de performance.

Le geste cinématographique de performance : documenter et concrétiser l’espoir

En partant de la documentation filmique de deux performances (Da ist eine kriminelle Berührung in der Kunst [Ulay, 1976] et Data [Gagnon, 2010]) qui a comme particularité commune d’avoir été soumise à des manœuvres cinématographiques, ce mémoire élabore une théorisation permettant de les penser autrement qu’en tant que documents, mais en tant que films, et plus précisément en tant qu’œuvres esthétiques complémentaires à la performance d’origine. Tombant dans une béance théorique par le fait de leur hybridité supposément contradictoire (performance, éphémère/cinéma, préservation), les deux films nous invitent à penser une conceptualisation renouvelée de la performance. Depuis cette perspective, nous démontrerons que, si le geste de performance est lui-même enchâssé dans le geste cinématographique, c’est en fonction de cette co-constitution des œuvres qu’il faut les aborder : en plus de référer à un contenu performatif, ces films performent une réalité inachevée, en termes de classification théorique mais aussi en termes de valeur politique. Nous verrons finalement qu’à travers le thème fédérateur du détournement artistique, pensé dans un rapport critique des institutions culturelles, les deux œuvres ont pour visée une transformation qui a pour but l’établissement de nouveaux rapports sociaux et politiques. Ultimement, nous défendrons que cette intervention à même une structure sociale établie ne soit possible que si la performance d’origine est présentée cinématographiquement, par le concept du geste cinématographique de performance.

The political economy of cross-border relations : the TNI and East Timor

Within a framework of formally increasingly cordial bilateral relations, the Indonesian military, the TNI, was engaging in and allowing extensive cross-border trade and smuggling while pursuing a policy of limited cross-border destabilization of East Timor. This seemingly contradictory policy, run from the TNI's 'strategic command centre' in Atambua, West Timor, met the TNI's continuing need to fund its own activities (and those of its proxies) through both legal and illegal means, to provide leverage for the coming talks about the formal demarcation of the border, and to provide a foothold to longer-term irredentist claims to the former occupied province and now independent state.

Militarism and International Relations : Political economy, security, theory, edited by Anna Stavrianakis and Jan Selby, Abingdon, Routledge, 2012, 212 pp., £80.00 (hardback), ISBN 978-0-415-61491-7

An engaging narrative is maintained throughout this edited collection of articles that address the issue of militarism in international relations. The book seamlessly integrates historical and contemporary perspectives on militarism with theory and relevant international case studies, resulting in a very informative read. The work is comprised of three parts. Part 1 deals with the theorisation of militarism and includes chapters by Anna Stavrianakis and Jan Selby, Martin Shaw, Simon Dalby, and Nicola Short. It covers a range of topics relating to historical and contemporary theories of militarism, geopolitical threat construction, political economy, and the US military’s ‘cultural turn’.

Anglo-Irish relations in the framework of the EEC and Northern Ireland, 1969-1975

This thesis will analyse Anglo-Irish relations between 1969 and 1975, when two topics dominated the relationship: Northern Ireland and the entry of Britain and Ireland into the European Economic Community (hereafter EEC). In 1969 entry to the EEC was still only a possibility and awaited political developments, while the Northern Ireland problem had yet to escalate. 1975 on the other hand confirmed that Ireland would remain in the EEC even if Britain left while Direct Rule for Northern Ireland was confirmed as the British policy for the foreseeable future. These dates are significant because they encompass firstly pre and post entry to the EEC and how this transformed Anglo-Irish relations. Secondly they contain the commencement and then deterioration of the Northern Ireland problem and the attempts to resolve it that finally led to direct rule by Westminster. The study will examine the fluctuating nature of the relationship between Britain and Ireland. Special regard will be devoted to the demands of internal British politics and how such demands affected the relationship. Overall, the study will demonstrate how the bilateral relationship evolved under the pressure of events in Northern Ireland and adapted to the multilateral context of the EEC. It will compare the dynamics of the states’ interactions in two extremely different areas. The thesis will demonstrate how entry to the EEC transformed the unequal Anglo-Irish economic relationship and created one of partners within the EEC. It will also analyse how the developing Northern Ireland problem caused changes to British policy. In particular, it will examine how the British Government came to recognise the beneficial role that the Republic of Ireland might play in resolving the Troubles in Northern Ireland.

Testing a social ecological model for relations between political violence and child adjustment in Northern Ireland

Relations between political violence and child adjustment are matters of international concern. Past research demonstrates the significance of community, family, and child psychological processes in child adjustment, supporting study of interrelations between multiple social ecological factors and child adjustment in contexts of political violence. Testing a social ecological model, 300 mothers and their children (M = 12.28 years, SD = 1.77) from Catholic and Protestant working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, completed measures or community discord, family relations, and children's regulatory processes (i.e., emotional security) and outcomes. Historical political violence in neighborhoods based on objective records (i.e., politically motivated deaths) were related to family members' reports of current sectarian antisocial behavior and nonsectarian antisocial behavior. Interparental conflict and parental monitoring and children's emotional security about both the community and family contributed to explanatory pathways for relations between sectarian antisocial behavior in communities and children's adjustment problems. The discussion evaluates support for social ecological models for relations between political violence and child adjustment and its implications for understanding relations in other parts of the world.