981 resultados para anti-immigrant politics


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The common brown leafhopper, Orosius orientalis (Matsumura) (Homoptera: Cicadellidae), previously described as Orosius argentatus (Evans), is an important vector of several viruses and phytoplasmas worldwide. In Australia, phytoplasmas vectored by O. orientalis cause a range of economically important diseases, including legume little leaf (Hutton & Grylls, 1956), tomato big bud (Osmelak, 1986), lucerne witches broom (Helson, 1951), potato purple top wilt (Harding & Teakle, 1985), and Australian lucerne yellows (Pilkington et al., 2004). Orosius orientalis also transmits Tobacco yellow dwarf virus (TYDV; genus Mastrevirus, family Geminiviridae) to beans, causing bean summer death disease (Ballantyne, 1968), and to tobacco, causing tobacco yellow dwarf disease (Hill, 1937, 1941). TYDV has only been recorded in Australia to date. Both diseases result in significant production and quality losses (Ballantyne, 1968; Thomas, 1979; Moran & Rodoni, 1999). Although direct damage caused by leafhopper feeding has been observed, it is relatively minor compared to the losses resulting from disease (P Tr E bicki, unpubl.).

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This study sought to improve understanding of the persuasive process of emotion-based appeals not only in relation to negative, fear-based appeals but also for appeals based upon positive emotions. In particular, the study investigated whether response efficacy, as a cognitive construct, mediated outcome measures of message effectiveness in terms of both acceptance and rejection of negative and positive emotion-based messages. Licensed drivers (N = 406) participated via the completion of an on-line survey. Within the survey, participants received either a negative (fear-based) appeal or one of the two possible positive appeals (pride or humor-based). Overall, the study's findings confirmed the importance of emotional and cognitive components of persuasive health messages and identified response efficacy as a key cognitive construct influencing the effectiveness of not only fear-based messages but also positive emotion-based messages. Interestingly, however, the results suggested that response efficacy's influence on message effectiveness may differ for positive and negative emotion-based appeals such that significant indirect (and mediational) effects were found with both acceptance and rejection of the positive appeals yet only with rejection of the fear-based appeal. As such, the study's findings provide an important extension to extant literature and may inform future advertising message design.

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Street racing and associated (hooning) behaviours have attracted increasing concern in recent years. While New Zealand and all Australian jurisdictions have introduced “antihooning” legislation and allocated significant police resources to managing the problem, there is limited evidence of the road safety implications of hooning. However, international and Australian data suggests that drivers charged with a hooning offence tend to be young males who are accompanied by one or more peers, and hooning-related crashes tend to occur at night. In this regard, there is considerable evidence that drivers under the age of 25 are over-represented in crash statistics, and are particularly vulnerable soon after obtaining a Provisional licence, when driving at night, and when carrying peer-aged passengers. The similarity between the nature of hooning offenders, offences and crashes, and road safety risks for young drivers in general, suggests that hooning is an issue that may be viewed as part of the broader young driver problem. Many jurisdictions have recently implemented a range of evidence-based strategies to address young driver road safety, and this paper will present Queensland crash and offence data to highlight the potential benefit of Graduated Driver Licensing initiatives, such as night driving restrictions and peer-aged passenger restrictions, to related road safety issues, including hooning. An understanding of potential flow-on effects is important for evaluations of anti-hooning legislation and Graduated Driver Licensing programs, and may have implications for future law enforcement resource allocation and policy development.

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Politics has been described as a man’s game and a man’s place. Further, the design of houses of politics also embeds this dominant masculine ethos. Traditional Chambers have been large with only limited seating arrangements ensuring that only privileged elite can participate and both officials and the public are located at some distance and separate from the elected officials. Such a Chamber ensures that Members need to face each other and the dominant interaction is adversarial. Within this system however, women have been able to carve out new spaces, or use existing ones in different ways, to become more involved with the mechanisms of parliament and provide alternative routes to leadership. In doing so, they have introduced elements of the private domain (nurturing, dialogue and inclusion) to the public domain. The way in which space is used is fundamental and its treatment has consequences for individuals, organizations and societies (Clegg and Kornberger 2006). Dale’s (2005) work emphasises the social character of architecture which recognises the impact which it has on the behaviours of individuals and nowhere is this more pertinent than the way the Australian Parliament House operates. This paper draws on the experiences of Australian parliamentarians to examine the way in which the new Australian Parliament House shapes the way in which the Australian political cultural norms and practices are shaped and maintained. It also seeks to explore the way the Members of Parliament (MPs) experience these spaces and how some MPs have been able to bring new ways of utilising the space to ensure it is more accommodating to the men and women who inhabit this building at the apex of Australia’s political life. In doing so, such MPs are seeking to ensure that the practices and processes of Australia’s political system are reflective of the men and women who inhabit this national institution in the beginning of the 21st century.

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Ghrelin is a gut-brain peptide hormone that induces appetite, stimulates the release of growth hormone, and has recently been shown to ameliorate inflammation. Recent studies have suggested that ghrelin may play a potential role in inflammation-related diseases such as inflammatory bowel diseases (IBD). A previous study with ghrelin in the TNBS mouse model of colitis demonstrated that ghrelin treatment decreased the clinical severity of colitis and inflammation and prevented the recurrence of disease. Ghrelin may be acting at the immunological and epithelial level as the ghrelin receptor (GHSR) is expressed by immune cells and intestinal epithelial cells. The current project investigated the effect of ghrelin in a different mouse model of colitis using dextran sodium sulphate (DSS) – a luminal toxin. Two molecular weight forms of DSS were used as they give differing effects (5kDa and 40kDa). Ghrelin treatment significantly improved clinical colitis scores (p=0.012) in the C57BL/6 mouse strain with colitis induced by 2% DSS (5kDa). Treatment with ghrelin suppressed colitis in the proximal colon as indicated by reduced accumulative histopathology scores (p=0.03). Whilst there was a trend toward reduced scores in the mid and distal colon in these mice this did not reach significance. Ghrelin did not affect histopathology scores in the 40kDa model. There was no significant effect on the number of regulatory T cells or TNF-α secretion from cultured lymph node cells from these mice. The discovery of C-terminal ghrelin peptides, for example, obestatin and the peptide derived from exon 4 deleted proghrelin (Δ4 preproghrelin peptide) have raised questions regarding their potential role in biological functions. The current project investigated the effect of Δ4 peptide in the DSS model of colitis however no significant suppression of colitis was observed. In vitro epithelial wound healing assays were also undertaken to determine the effect of ghrelin on intestinal epithelial cell migration. Ghrelin did not significantly improve wound healing in these assays. In conclusion, ghrelin treatment displays a mild anti-inflammatory effect in the 5kDa DSS model. The potential mechanisms behind this effect and the disparity between these results and those published previously will be discussed.

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The New Zealand green lipped mussel preparation Lyprinol is available without a prescription from a supermarket, pharmacy or Web. The Food and Drug Administration have recently warned Lyprinol USA about their extravagant anti-inflammatory claims for Lyprinol appearing on the web. These claims are put to thorough review. Lyprinol does have anti-inflammatory mechanisms, and has anti-inflammatory effects in some animal models of inflammation. Lyprinol may have benefits in dogs with arthritis. There are design problems with the clinical trials of Lyprinol in humans as an anti-inflammatory agent in osteoarthritis and rheumatoid arthritis, making it difficult to give a definite answer to how effective Lyprinol is in these conditions, but any benefit is small. Lyprinol also has a small benefit in atopic allergy. As anti-inflammatory agents, there is little to choose between Lyprinol and fish oil. No adverse effects have been reported with Lyprinol. Thus, although it is difficult to conclude whether Lyprinol does much good, it can be concluded that Lyprinol probably does no major harm.

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Background: Zoledronic acid is used to prevent the bone loss associated with antioestrogen treatments in subjects with breast cancer. Preclinical studies suggest that zoledronic acid may have anticancer activity in its own right. This anticancer possibility with zoledronic acid has not been investigated extensively in clinical trials. Objectives/methods: This evaluation is of a large clinical trial that investigated the effect of zoledronic acid on cancer outcomes in premenopausal women with breast cancer. Results: The trial showed that after 4 years, 94.0% of subjects who were treated with zoledronic acid were disease-free compared with 90.8% of those not treated with zoledronic acid. Recurrence survival was a secondary end point; this occurred in 94.0% with, and 90.9% without, zoledronic acid treatment. Conclusions: Zoledronic acid does have anticancer activity in premenopausal women with cancer.

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This thesis argues that the end of Soviet Marxism and a bipolar global political imaginary at the dissolution of the short Twentieth Century poses an obstacle for anti-systemic political action. Such a blockage of alternate political imaginaries can be discerned by reading the work of Francis Fukuyama and "Endism" as performative invocations of the closure of political alternatives, and thus as an ideological proclamation which enables and constrains forms of social action. It is contended that the search through dialectical thought for a competing universal to posit against "liberal democracy" is a fruitless one, because it reinscribes the terms of teleological theories of history which work to effect closure. Rather, constructing a phenomenological analytic of the political conjuncture, the thesis suggests that the figure of messianism without a Messiah is central to a deconstructive reframing of the possibilities of political action - a reframing attentive to the rhetorical tone of texts. The project of recovering the political is viewed through a phenomenological lens. An agonistic political distinction must be made so as to memorialise the remainders and ghosts of progress, and thus to gesture towards an indeconstructible justice which would serve as a horizon for the articulation of an empty universal. This project is furthered by a return to a certain phenomenology inspired by Cornelius Castoriadis, Claude Lefort, Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Ernesto Laclau. The thesis provides a reading of Jacques Derrida and Walter Benjamin as thinkers of a minor universalism, a non-prescriptive utopia, and places their work in the context of new understandings of religion and the political as quasi-transcendentals which can be utilised to think through the aporias of political time in order to grasp shards of meaning. Derrida and Chantal Mouffe's deconstructive critique and supplement to Carl Schmitt's concept of the political is read as suggestive of a reframing of political thought which would leave the political question open and thus enable the articulation of social imaginary significations able to inscribe meaning in the field of political action. Thus, the thesis gestures towards a form of thought which enables rather than constrains action under the sign of justice.

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Chlamydia trachomatis is a significant human pathogen with potentially severe disease sequelae in the genital tract, including infertility. A successful vaccine will need to effectively target immunity to the genital mucosa. Intranasal immunisation with cholera toxin (CT) can target immunity to the genital tract, but has the potential to cause neurological side effects. CTA1-DD is a non-toxic potent mucosal adjuvant which combines the enzymatic properties of CT, with a B cell targeting moiety. Here, we demonstrate that intranasal immunisation with CTA1-DD and chlamydial Major Outer Membrane Protein (MOMP) results in the induction of neutralising systemic and mucosal antibodies, and reduces the level of chlamydial shedding following intravaginal challenge with Chlamydia muridarum. Thus, CTA1-DD is an effective adjuvant for vaccine development against Chlamydia trachomatis, and possibly also a range of other genital pathogens.

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In this chapter we tackle increasingly sensitive questions in mathematics education, those that have polarized the community into distinct schools of thought as well as impacted reform efforts.

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Others, like the prominent humanist and anti-Medicean agitator Francesco Filelfo, would soon join the first wave of exiles.4 Bruni was not only linked to such men by ties of patronage and friendship; he had also for many years acted as the chief ideologue of the preMedicean oligarchy.5 One might logically expect that he too would become a victim of Medici vengeance in 1434, or soon thereafter. Other scholars have stressed that Bruni-despite the occasional flamboyance of his civic rhetoric-was always an advocate of restricted government.8 While the power struggle between the Medici and their adversaries was real enough, the system Cosimo and his associates introduced after 1434 differed from its predecessor only in the consistency with which it was applied.

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In this article we introduce the term “energy polarization” to explain the politics of energy market reform in the Russian Duma. Our model tests the impact of regional energy production, party cohesion and ideology, and electoral mandate on the energy policy decisions of the Duma deputies (oil, gas, and electricity bills and resolution proposals) between 1994 and 2003. We find a strong divide between Single-Member District (SMD) and Proportional Representation (PR) deputies High statistical significance of gas production is demonstrated throughout the three Duma terms and shows Gazprom's key position in the post-Soviet Russian economy. Oil production is variably significant in the two first Dumas, when the main legislative debates on oil privatization occur. There is no constant left–right continuum, which is consistent with the deputies' proclaimed party ideology. The pro- and anti-reform poles observed in our Poole-based single dimensional scale are not necessarily connected with liberal and state-oriented regulatory policies, respectively. Party switching is a solid indicator of Russia's polarized legislative dynamics when it comes to energy sector reform.