915 resultados para Trade Marks Act 1995


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A challenge for regulators and the courts has been establishing the boundary between behaviour is exclusionary and should be condemned under s 46 of the then Trade Practices Act 1974 (Cth) (TPA), now s 46 of the Competition and Consumer Act 2010 (Cth) (CCA), and behaviour that is not exclusionary and might even be pro-competitive. This boundary can be especially difficult to draw in the case of entry deterring strategies. Section 46(1) prohibits corporations with a substantial degree of market power from taking advantage of that market power for one of the statutorily proscribed purposes which include preventing the entry of a person into that or any other market. Section 45(2) separately prohibits corporations from making and giving effect to contracts arrangements and understandings that have the purpose, effect or likely effect of substantially lessening competition in a market. The latest case in which the ACCC has failed to satisfy the s 46 criteria is the decision of Greenwood J in ACCC v Cement Australia Pty Ltd [2013] FCA 909 (Cement Australia case). Final orders were published in a separate judgment, in ACCC v Cement Australia Pty Ltd [2014] FCA 148 (28 February 2014). The case concerned an entry deterring strategy, namely the pre-emptive buying of input factors in an upstream market to protect an incumbent with substantial market power in a downstream market and to prevent new entry in the downstream market. Greenwood J found that while Cement Australia Pty Ltd, formerly known as Queensland Cement Ltd (QCL), had substantial market power, its conduct in entering into the pre-emptive contracts was not a contravention of s 46, because Cement Australia had not “taken advantage” of its market power. However, since Cement Australia’s purpose in entering into the pre-emptive contracts was anti-competitive, they were held to contravene s 45(2) of the TPA. The purpose of this Note is to consider only the reasons for judgment in the Cement Australia case in relation to the “taking advantage” element. The judgment was handed down on 10 September 2013. The final hearing date was 15 July 2011, so it was long-awaited. At 714 pages, it is carefully drafted.

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"4,400 people die every day of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa. Treatment exists. In about 60 days, a patient can go from here to here. We call this transformation the Lazarus Effect. It is the result of two pills a day taken by a HIV/AIDS patient for about 60 days. Learn more about how you can help give people the chance of life and joinred.com."The Lazarus Effect video, the (RED) Campaign.This Chapter explores how a number of non-government organizations, charities, and philanthropists have promoted ’grants' as a means of stimulating investment in research and development into neglected diseases. Each section considers the nature of the campaign; the use of intellectual property rights, such as trade marks; and the criticisms made of such endeavors. Section 2 looks at the (RED) Campaign, which is designed to boost corporate funding and consumer support for the Global Fund. Section 3 examines the role of the Gates Foundation in funding research and development in respect of infectious diseases. It explores the championing by Bill Gates of ’creative capitalism'. Section 4 considers the part of the Clinton Foundation in the debate over access to essential medicines. The Chapter concludes that, despite their qualities, such marketing initiatives fail to address the underlying inequalities and injustices of international patent law.

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AIMS: The Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) requires nations that have ratified the convention to ban all tobacco advertising and promotion. In the face of these restrictions, tobacco packaging has become the key promotional vehicle for the tobacco industry to interest smokers and potential smokers in tobacco products. This paper reviews available research into the probable impact of mandatory plain packaging and internal tobacco industry statements about the importance of packs as promotional vehicles. It critiques legal objections raised by the industry about plain packaging violating laws and international trade agreements. METHODS: Searches for available evidence were conducted within the internal tobacco industry documents through the online document archives; tobacco industry trade publications; research literature through the Medline and Business Source Premier databases; and grey literature including government documents, research reports and non-governmental organization papers via the Google internet search engine. RESULTS: Plain packaging of all tobacco products would remove a key remaining means for the industry to promote its products to billions of the world's smokers and future smokers. Governments have required large surface areas of tobacco packs to be used exclusively for health warnings without legal impediment or need to compensate tobacco companies. CONCLUSIONS: Requiring plain packaging is consistent with the intention to ban all tobacco promotions. There is no impediment in the FCTC to interpreting tobacco advertising and promotion to include tobacco packs.

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In the case of Mattel Inc v Walking Mountain Productions, the toy doll manufacturer Mattel sought to prohibit a Utah photographer called Thomas Forsythe from producing and selling a series of 78 photographs entitled "Food Chain Barbie". The work had strong social and political overtones. The artist said that he chose to parody Barbie in his photographs because he wanted to challenge the beauty myth and the objectification of women. He observed: "Barbie is the most enduring of those products that feed on the insecurities of our beauty and perfection-obsessed consumer culture." The company Mattel argued that the photographs infringed its copyrights, trade marks, and trade dress. It was concerned that the artistic works would erode the brand of Barbie by wrongfully sexualising its blonde paragon of womanhood. However, Lew J of the Central District Court of California granted summary judgment for the photographer. The Court of Appeals upheld this verdict. Pregerson J held that the use of the manufacturer's copyrighted doll in parodic photographs constituted a fair use of copyright works. His Honour held that the use of manufacturer's "Barbie" mark and trade dress did not amount to trade mark infringement or dilution. This article provides a case commentary upon the Court of Appeals decision in Mattel Inc v Walking Mountain Productions, and its wider ramifications for the treatment of artistic parody under copyright law and trade mark law. It contends that the decision highlights the need for reform in Australian jurisprudence and legislation in respect of artistic parody.

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High-stakes testing has become an important element of the Australian educational landscape. As one part of the neo-liberal paradigm where beliefs in the individual and the free market are paramount, it is of concern how school leaders can respond to this phenomenon in an ethical manner. Ethics and ethical leadership have increased in prominence both in the educational administration literature and in the media (Cranston, Ehrich, & Kimber, 2006). In this paper we consider ethical theories on which school principals can draw, not only in the leadership of their own schools but in their relationships with other schools. We provide an example of a school leader sharing a successful intervention with other schools, illustrating that school leaders can create spaces for promoting the public good within the context of high-stakes testing.

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This chapter addresses the areas more commonly found in everyday practice (NB circuit layouts and plant breeder's rights are not covered). Importantly, IP law has become very specialised, and as such one for which practitioners will need expertise or access to relevant experts in order to properly provide advice. The following therefore is an overview only of relevant issues.

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Marketing of goods under geographical names has always been common. Aims to prevent abuse have given rise to separate forms of legal protection for geographical indications (GIs) both nationally and internationally. The European Community (EC) has also gradually enacted its own legal regime to protect geographical indications. The legal protection of GIs has traditionally been based on the idea that geographical origin endows a product exclusive qualities and characteristics. In today s world we are able to replicate almost any prod-uct anywhere, including its qualities and characteristics. One would think that this would preclude protec-tion from most geographical names, yet the number of geographical indications seems to be rising. GIs are no longer what they used to be. In the EC it is no longer required that a product is endowed exclusive characteristics by its geographical origin as long as consumers associate the product with a certain geo-graphical origin. This departure from the traditional protection of GIs is based on the premise that a geographical name extends beyond and exists apart from the product and therefore deserves protection itself. The thesis tries to clearly articulate the underlying reasons, justifications, principles and policies behind the protection of GIs in the EC and then scrutinise the scope and shape of the GI system in the light of its own justifications. The essential questions it attempts to aswer are (1) What is the basis and criteria for granting GI rights? (2) What is the scope of protection afforded to GIs? and (3) Are these both justified in the light of the functions and policies underlying granting and protecting of GIs? Despite the differences, the actual functions of GIs are in many ways identical to those of trade marks. Geographical indications have a limited role as source and quality indicators in allowing consumers to make informed and efficient choices in the market place. In the EC this role is undermined by allowing able room and discretion for uses that are arbitrary. Nevertheless, generic GIs are unable to play this role. The traditional basis for justifying legal protection seems implausible in most case. Qualities and charac-teristics are more likely to be related to transportable skill and manufacturing methods than the actual geographical location of production. Geographical indications are also incapable of protecting culture from market-induced changes. Protection against genericness, against any misuse, imitation and evocation as well as against exploiting the reputation of a GI seem to be there to protect the GI itself. Expanding or strengthening the already existing GI protection or using it to protect generic GIs cannot be justified with arguments on terroir or culture. The conclusion of the writer is that GIs themselves merit protection only in extremely rare cases and usually only the source and origin function of GIs should be protected. The approach should not be any different from one taken in trade mark law. GI protection should not be used as a means to mo-nopolise names. At the end of the day, the scope of GI protection is nevertheless a policy issue.

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Within Australia, there have been many attempts to pass voluntary euthanasia (VE) or physician-assisted suicide (PAS) legislation. From 16 June 1993 until the date of writing, 51 Bills have been introduced into Australian parliaments dealing with legalising VE or PAS. Despite these numerous attempts, the only successful Bill was the Rights of the Terminally Ill Act 1995 (NT), which was enacted in the Northern Territory, but a short time later overturned by the controversial Euthanasia Laws Act 1997 (Cth). Yet, in stark contrast to the significant political opposition, for decades Australian public opinion has overwhelmingly supported law reform legalising VE or PAS. While there is ongoing debate in Australia, both through public discourse and scholarly publications, about the merits and dangers of reform in this field, there has been remarkably little analysis of the numerous legislative attempts to reform the law, and the context in which those reform attempts occurred. The aim of this article is to better understand the reform landscape in Australia over the past two decades. The information provided in this article will better equip Australians, both politicians and the general public, to have a more nuanced understanding of the political context in which the euthanasia debate has been and is occurring. It will also facilitate a more informed debate in the future.

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Cet article montre que dans le contexte actuel des producteurs de quinoa de l’altiplano du sud de la Bolivie, le commerce équitable n’apparaît pas comme un instrument efficace de réduction des inégalités sociales. Il contribue plutôt à les renforcer. Derrière la façade des marques et labels du commerce équitable, la réalité socio-économique de l’altiplano du Sud de la Bolivie, révèle donc un facteur important de déception par rapport aux attentes des consommateurs.

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L’actualité entourant les Jeux olympiques de Vancouver de 2010 a fait couler beaucoup d’encre. Les retombées économiques enviables que procure l’exclusivité de la commandite aux Jeux olympiques suscitent la convoitise chez de nombreux concurrents commerciaux. Face aux phénomènes grandissant de la contrefaçon de la marque olympique et du marketing insidieux, le Comité international olympique et les pays hôtes des Jeux ont apporté une couche supplémentaire de protection pour la marque olympique. Au Canada, la Loi sur les marques olympiques et paralympiques (LMOP) fut sanctionnée le 22 juin 2007 par la Gouverneure Générale. Les sections-clés de cette loi sont arrivées à échéance le 31 décembre 2010 alors que d’autres de ses aspects sont permanents. La première partie de cet article a pour but de présenter les enjeux reliés à la protection de la propriété intellectuelle lors des Jeux de Vancouver, de définir et déterminer les limites de la propriété olympique, ainsi que le rôle de chaque acteur dans le domaine olympique. Nous étudierons les actions qui furent prises par le Comité d’organisation des Jeux olympiques et paralympiques d’hiver de 2010 à Vancouver (COVAN) et par les autres paliers de comités olympiques pour s’assurer la propriété de l’image olympique au Canada et l’importance de la LMOP dans leurs actions. Dans la deuxième partie de l’article, il sera question de la mise en œuvre de la protection de la marque olympique. Au cours des Jeux, le COVAN a dû faire face à l’adoption ou l’utilisation de la marque olympique par des tiers non autorisés et à des associations commerciales non autorisées avec l’image olympique. D’autres infractions ont également pris place sur Internet. Le présent article se veut un bilan de la situation canadienne suite aux Jeux olympiques de Vancouver de 2010. La LMOP a-t-elle été invoquée devant les tribunaux canadiens ? La loi a-t-elle effectivement été le seul rempart entre la protection olympique et les entreprises ou individus qui souhaitaient profiter indûment de l’événement ? Et finalement, cette initiative a-t-elle été déterminante dans le combat contre le marketing insidieux et autres attaques contre l’image olympique?

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This study proposes to verify the hypothesis relating to labour legislation in the industrial sector.Here there are as many as fifty enacments of the central government alone.These legislations indicating the growth of this branch of law over a period of more than half a centuary cover a wide spectrum of interests of workers both individuals and collective in different areas of employment.However this study relates mainly to a)trade unions act,b)industrial employment c)industrial disputes.

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La marca en el mercado se consolida como uno de los principales ejes de la competencia que caracteriza a las sociedades neo-liberales, convirtiéndose en un instrumento que aporta al desarrollo económico y al interés del consumidor. La protección jurídica de las marcas que alcanzan un significativo sitial en el tráfico comercial rebasa los principios fundamentales del régimen marcario andino. Este análisis se centra en el caso de las marcas notorias, aquellas que han logrado un estatus de aceptación por parte del público, como consecuencia del éxito que ha tenido el producto o servicio que distinguen.

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El autor analiza la Ley de Preferencias Arancelarias Andinas como política unilateral concedida por EE.UU. a países andinos (excepto Venezuela) dirigidas a promover las exportaciones andinas a mercados estadounidenses y la sustitución de cultivos ilícitos. El artículo explora las implicaciones de esta ley, y contrapone varios enfoques sobre su efectividad, unos en el sentido de que la ATPA no ha tenido una incidencia significativa en la modificación de la producción o la estructura exportadora de las naciones beneficiarias, y otros que mencionan que esta ley sí ha promovido importantes flujos de inversión entre EE.UU. y los países andinos.

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El Andean Trade Preference Act, ATPA, o Ley de Preferencias Arancelarias Andinas, es el componente comercial del programa de la Guerra contra las Drogas que el Presidente George Bush expidió el4 de diciembre de 1991. Estas preferencias se hicieron efectivas a partir de 1992 para Colombia y Bolivia y posteriormente en 1993 para Ecuador y Perú. Sin embargo, el ATPA venció el4 de diciembre de 2001, lo que llevó a los gobiernos de los países andinos beneficiarios, a una vigorosa campaña para lograr su prórroga y ampliación. De esta manera, el 6 de agosto de 2002, el Presidente Bush firmó la Ley Comercial de 2002, la cual incluye dentro del Título XXXI la Ley de Preferencias Arancelarias Andinas y de Erradicación de Drogas, ATPDEA, prorrogando y ampliando las preferencias del ATPA. Los países beneficiados por estas preferencias arancelarias son Ecuador, Perú, Bolivia y Colombia, cubre a más de 6500 productos, los beneficios comerciales que se otorgaron a través del ATPA y el ATPDEA son un reconocimiento a la lucha que se adelanta desde hace décadas contra la producción de las drogas ilícitas, este conjunto de preferencias arancelarias son una expresión del principio de corresponsabilidad acogido por la comunidad internacional para hacer frente al problema mundial de drogas. Colombia se ha caracterizado por tener unas magnificas relaciones comerciales con Estados Unidos, y es uno de los países beneficiados que más le ha sacado provecho a los diferentes acuerdos como el ATPA Y ATPDEA, uno de los principales sectores que se destacaron fue el florícola el cual esta amparado por los beneficios arancelarios desde el ATPA.