La llengua que som(s) : Estudi dialectal audiovisual de la comarca de la Garrotxa

Estudi dialectal audiovisual del parlar de la comarca de la Garrotxa. Seguint el mètode geogràfic emprat pel lingüista mallorquí Joan Veny, hem elaborat vuit enquestes a diversos informants de la zona. L'objectiu és definir sincrònicament els trets lingüístics -fonètics, morfosintàctics i lèxics- del parlar dels garrotxins de més edat i, alhora, posar l'èmfasi en les particularitats lingüístiques de la zona respecte a la resta del català del bloc oriental.

Complexitat i fenomen (socio)linguístic

Intermediate phenomena of reality present particular characteristics of systemic self-organization, multilevel interrelations, recursivity, emergence of new «objects» with properties different from those of the elements that form them, and evolutionary dynamics, that probably need the formulation of new theoretical concepts and different paradigm principles. The sciences or perspectives of complexity, or the «complex» thinking, try to respond adequately to this complexity of reality. This approach adopts a multidimensional, integrated and dynamic view of reality: the world is made up of overlapping levels of different elements which produce new properties or new organizations at higher levels. If we conceive what we call languages as simple and decontextualized objects, we can understand some of the more mechanical aspects but we will ignore their conditions of existence, functionality, maintenance, variation, change and extinction.

Aproximaciones a la lectura crítica: teoría, ejemplos y reflexiones

Dentro de las ciencias del lenguaje, el Análisis Crítico del Discurso (ACD) aprovecha las aportaciones de los recientes estudios sobre el texto (análisis del discurso, pragmática, sociolingüística, etnografía de la comunicación, teoría de la enunciación, etc.) para definir los propósitos y la metodología del análisis crítico. Ante el mundo multicultural y globalizado en el que vivimos, la única respuesta educativa posible es la necesidad de formar a una ciudadanía, que tenga habilidades críticas de lectura, escritura y pensamiento y participe de modo constructivo en el desarrollo de una comunidad plural, respetuosa y progresista. El artículo explora en la teoría y en la práctica la lectura crítica, para reflexionar sobre la necesidad de fomentar este tipo de práctica lectora en el aula. Para ejemplificar el funcionamiento de la lectura crítica, se trabajan lingüísticamente desde el ACD algunos fragmentos breves de discurso. Se analiza el grado y el tipo de comprensión lectora crítica que muestran 25 exámenes de universitarios españoles de 20 años, estudiantes de Traducción e Interpretación en la Universidad Pompeu Fabra de Barcelona, que habían tenido 80 horas de instrucción sobre lengua escrita y análisis deldiscurso en castellano y catalán (con varias sesiones sobre Análisis Crítico del Discurso), en las que se habían analizado cooperativamente textos parecidos al propuesto en el examen.

L'avançament de la introducció d'una llengua estrangera: un fugida cap enrera?

The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

L'avançament de la introducció d'una llengua estrangera: un fugida cap enrera?

The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

L'avançament de la introducció de la llengua estrangera: una fugida cap enrere?

En aquest article es pretén traçar una anàlisi crítica, basada en els resultats de recerques empíriques, d'alguns arguments que s'han utilitzat per justificar aquest avençament, que s'ha presentat com una millora indiscutible de les reformes educatives del nostre país d'aquests darrers anys.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Llengua al límit. Una llengua, dos camins. L'encontre necessari.

En el treball es realitza una transcripció de dos programes de televisió, amb la idea de saber quin és el tipus de llenguatge que usen aquests mitjans per adreçar-se al seu públic. Però seria absurd ignorar altres canals per als quals la llengua és imprescindible. Em refereixo al cinema, sobretot. I malgrat que no es considera un mitjà de comunicació, també és un element importantíssim pel que fa al tractament i transmissió lingüístics. I molts productes del cinema acaben sortint per televisió. La premsa escrita i, com a cas especial, Internet, també hi tenen força a dir.

Psicologia social

Visió de la sociolingüística catalana actual des d'una perspectiva psicosocial

De què vas, tio?

My study is based on an ethnography of two groups of young people from working-class neighbourhoods in Barcelona. I was interested in researching the impact of Catalan language policies on the identities of young people of Spanish-speaking immigrant families. I sought to go beyond the constraints of traditional structuralist approaches in Sociolinguistics in order to make my analysis relevant to people working for gender equality, the promotion of the Catalan language, or other social causes. I combine ideas from Bakhtin, Bourdieu, Fairclough, Foucault and Goffman to build a dialectical, historical, process-centred perspective that conceptualises practices in terms of social and political struggles.I analyse young people's peer-group activities in terms of their significance for the construction of gender identities. I propose a variety of forms of masculinity and femininity according to the various ways in which members organised their gender displays in face-to-face interaction.I also show how their use of argot and dialectal Spanish was part of the processes whereby members defined their relationships, constructed particular subject positions in interaction and struggled to legitimate their own values.I explore the meanings constructed through Catalan and Spanish by looking into the code-switching practices of my participants. I analysed their talk in terms of narratives that present particular sequential dramatisations of events for conversational audiences. These narratives follow the expressive intention of the author, and are populated with multiple voices of animated characters. I argue that, in the groups I studied, Catalan was generally not used to animate the voices that were central to the identities of the peer-group, and particularly to masculine identities.In order to contextualise these practices within the wider society, I also look into the processes of language choice in face-to-face encounters. I argue that existing conventions made it difficult for people to find opportunities to speak Catalan. I also pointed to the difficulties that my participants had to find employment, which were particularly acute amongst the more politically aware individuals. I conclude that these young working-class people had little possibilities of investing in more egalitarian forms of identity given their lack of resources and opportunities to develop their identities in other social spaces, such as the workplace.

Llengua, cultura i turisme. Perspectives a Barcelona i a Catalunya.

En aquest estudi, explicaré i analitzaré aquests processos innovadors de conceptualització dels aspectes lingüístics del turisme. L'objectiu últim és explorar les possibilitats i perspectives que aquesta nova línia de treball pot obrir dins el context de l'oferta turística barcelonina, cosa que també afecta la projecció turística de Catalunya i dels Països Catalans. En termes generals, s'ha de constatar que l'ús de les llengües en activitats turístiques s'emmarca dins una política genèrica de projecció de la pròpia identitat i de promoció del patrimoni cultural. És per això que aquest treball també conté reflexions i propostes per a l'articulació del turisme cultural a Barcelona i Catalunya en base a la identitat i la cultura catalanes, amb el benentès que els termes "identitat" i "cultura" s'usen en un sentit ampli que incorpora la pròpia diversitat cultural i la producció artística contemporània al costat dels referents històrics, lingüístics i culturals que singularitzen la societat catalana.Aquest text està organitzat en tres blocs. El primer bloc tracta diverses qüestions prèvies, que ajuden a entendre els principis i conceptes que fonamenten aquest estudi, com són a) la justificació d'aquest estudi i, en definitiva, de la necessitat d'invertir en llengua i cultura en l'àmbit del turisme barceloní, que actualment lidera l'oferta de turisme cultural a Catalunya; b) el procediment que s'ha seguit per a fer l'estudi i la definició dels conceptes més importants; c) una explicació general de les connexions molt estretes que hi ha entre processos econòmics i processos sociolingüístics i que determinen la forma com les persones valoren les llengües pròpies i les dels altres en diversos àmbits socials, incloent-hi el món econòmic; i finalment, d) unes consideracions sobre el turisme cultural, això és, allò que fa que tingui sentit com a experiència d'interacció entre persones i cultures. En el segon bloc es presentaran experiències de marketització de llengües i identitats en diversos països. Em centraré bàsicament en els sectors de la publicitat i del turisme i, específicament, en les activitats que comporten l'ús de llengües no conegudes o poc conegudes pels clients. La secció sobre turisme està organitzada segons les llengües i, per al cas de les llengües cèltiques de les Illes Britàniques i per al Canadà, es subdivideix en diverses regions. Tot i que faré alguns comentaris sobre els processos de marketització de les grans llengües, em centraré en experiències associades a llengües minoritàries o políticament minoritzades. Això es justifica pel fet que les destinacions associades a grans llengües dominants dins el propi territori fins ara no s'han plantejat el rol de la llengua dins la pròpia oferta turística, excepte en allò que afecta al mercat d'ensenyament d'idiomes, aspecte sobre el qual parlaré també breument.El tercer bloc conté una valoració de conjunt sobre la trajectòria històrica de les polítiques turístiques a Barcelona i a Catalunya, amb els condicionants que poden facilitar l'articulació d'una oferta sòlida en matèria de turisme cultural. S'hi valora també la posició que ha tingut tradicionalment la llengua catalana en el món del turisme i s'elaboren propostes i línies de treball en base a les experiències analitzades al bloc 2. Veurem com, des del punt de vista sociolingüístic, les activitats turístiques plantegen reptes i oportunitats d'índole molt diversa: a) l'accés a espais o manifestacions culturals per part dels turistes i el seu impacte, b) el valor semiòtic de les llengües en la caracterització i diferenciació de productes i c) l'encaix entre les polítiques culturals i les turístiques, que pot implicar de formes complexes els diversos actors dels sectors econòmic, polític i cultural. L'estudi acaba amb un catàleg de propostes de desplegament d'una política turística basada en el patrimoni lingüístic, cultural, artístic i històric català, que ajudi a complementar i a reforçar l'oferta actual catalana, que gira principalment a l'entorn del clima i la platja.Versió en anglès del document: http://uoc.academia.edu/JoanPujolar/Papers/889133/Language_Culture_and_Tourism_Perspectives_in_Barcelona_and_Catalonia

Coneixements i usos lingüístics de l'estudiantat de la Universitat de Lleida (2012 / 2013). Estudi comparatiu dels resultats obtinguts el 1993/1994 amb els de l’actualitat

El treball que teniu a les mans és una recerca sociolingüística que té com a objectiu l’anàlisi dels coneixements i els usos lingüístics de la Universitat de Lleida, a partir de la comparació dels resultats obtinguts a “Coneixements i usos lingüístics de l’estudiantat de la Universitat de Lleida” (Curs 1993/1994), un estudi impulsat des dels Servei de Llengua i Terminologia l’any 1993. L’elaboració del treball es divideix en tres etapes: l’etapa d’investigació, l’etapa d’organització i l’etapa d’interpretació. La primera etapa ha estat destinada a la recollida de dades. He demanat a un total de 1046 alumnes provinents de vint-i-un graus o especialitat diferents que contestessin un qüestionari. La segona etapa consisteix en l’organització de les dades. El primer que he fet ha estat entrar els resultats de cadascuna de les enquestes al programa ACCES, el qual m’ha permès fer les posteriors agrupacions partint sempre del model de 1993. Una vegada he tingut totes les agrupacions fetes, he fet tots els percentatges, gràfiques i taules al programa Excel. Finalment, quan ja he tingut tots els gràfics i taules confeccionats he passat ja a l’última etapa del treball: la interpretació de les dades. Primer he fet una lectura de cadascun dels gràfics i taules, comparant-los posteriorment amb els resultats obtinguts el 1993. Una vegada he tingut tots els comentaris fets he passat ja al més important: la redacció de les conclusions, on intento explicar els canvis més importants que he copsat.

El mapa escondido: las lenguas de España

No se puede entender la realidad regional de España sin aludir al hecho lingüístico. Más de una cuarta parte de los ciudadanos conoce y utiliza una lengua no castellana. Por diversas razones políticas no existe un mapa lingüístico suficientemente aceptado y detallado, como el que aquí proponemos. También se ensaya una tipología de las diversas situaciones legales y sociolingüísticas existentes.