930 resultados para Social programs
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It is often speculated that the high allocation of funds to retirement pension systems has influenced the capacity of Central American and Dominican Republic military to modernize. Yet, the comparative study of the allocation of pension and social funds in these particular countries suggest that there is not direct linkage between the poor funding of military modernization plans and the allocation of funds to military pension systems. The research conducted on this subject shows the following results: 1. The Dominican Republic is the only country that has embarked on a considerable procurement of modern equipment and still reports the largest proportion of social expenditures. 2. El Salvador’s defense budget allocates minimal funding to Social Welfare Institute, which as alternative sources of funding. In 2009, El Salvador increased 15 percent funding to the military to respond to increased role in domestic security issues. 3. The Guatemalan defense expenditure on social programs is fairly low, but it has grown during the past six years due to processes of demobilization. However, the Military Social Welfare Institute is administered by a decentralized institution funded directly by the Ministry of Finance. If it were to be considered as a part of the defense budget, its social expenses would account for almost 16% of it. 4. The Honduran Defense Budget has faced a considerable enlargement during the past four years, with social spending expenses taken precedence over modernization efforts. 2 5. The Nicaraguan system of military pensions is administered by a decentralized entity (IPSM) through a system of salary deductions. Information on the funding of this entity is inconclusive. The Nicaraguan Defense spending on social services has reported a drastic 90% drop since the year 2007.
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Guatemala is not a failed state and is unlikely to become one in the near future. Although the state currently fails to provide adequate security to its citizens or an appropriate range of effective social programs, it does supply a functioning electoral democracy, sound economic management, and a promising new antipoverty program, My Family Progresses (MIFAPRO). Guatemala is a weak state. The principal security threats represented by expanding Mexican drug trafficking organizations (DTOs), criminal parallel powers, and urban gangs have overwhelmed the resources of the under-resourced and compromised criminal justice system. The UN-sponsored International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), however, has demonstrated that progress against organized crime is possible. The principal obstacles to strengthening the Guatemalan state lie in the traditional economic elite’s resistance to taxation and the venal political class’ narrow focus on short-term interests. Guatemala lacks a strong, policyoriented, mass-based political party that could develop a coherent national reform program and mobilize public support around it. The United States should strengthen the Guatemalan state by expanding the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) and by strongly supporting CICIG, MIFAPRO, and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE).
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In the past 20 years, Chile and Venezuela have followed divergent paths of democratic and economic development. When the Cold War ended, Venezuela was one of the few Latin American countries where democracy had survived the authoritarian wave of the 1960 and 1970s. Heralded in the late 1980s as the most stable democracy and one of the most developed and globalized economies in the region, Venezuela has since experienced deterioration of democratic institutions, political polarization, economic stagnation, and instability. In contrast, Chile has experienced a democratic renaissance since 1990. Rapid economic growth, an increasingly efficient public sector, significant reductions in poverty, and improvements in social programs have all made Chile a regional leader in democratic consolidation and sustainable development. Chile emerges as a success story and Venezuela as a country lagging behind in terms of making progress in economic development and poverty reduction. While Chile has developed a democratic system based on institutions, Venezuela has seen its democracy evolve towards increasing concentration of power on the hands of President Hugo Chávez.
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Since 1999, Venezuela has experienced a dramatic transformation of its political system with the coming to power of Hugo Chávez and his movement, known in Venezuela as Chavismo. Chávez has dismantled the previous political system and established neo-populist structures that rely on his personal appeal and the close collaboration of the armed forces. Chávez has relied heavily on significant support from the poor and those who felt economically and politically excluded by the “Punto Fijo system.” President Chávez has built an impressive record of electoral victories; winning every electoral contest except one since coming to power in 1999. He continues to receive relatively high levels of support among sectors of Venezuelan society. However, there is evidence of growing discontent with high crime rates, high levels of inflation, and significant corruption in the public administration. Using data from the AmericasBarometer surveys conducted in 2007, 2008 and 2010, this paper seeks to examine the basis of Chávez’s popular support. In general, the AmericasBarometer findings suggest that Venezuelans support for President Chávez is closely linked to the access to social programs and that as long as the government is able to fund these social programs or missions, particularly MERCAL and Barrio Adentro, it will possess an important tool to garner and sustain support for President Chávez. Our analysis, however, also indicates that evaluations of the national economic situation, more than crime or insecurity, are a key factor that could undermine support for the regime.
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This work aims to analyze, in terms of class, the social composition of the constituency of the presidential candidates of the Workers Party in 2002, 2006 and 2010 elections. Such research object is constructed from a preliminary critical debate with recent Brazilian electoral studies, especially the literature on the infl uence of social programs on voting and Singer’s formulations about the lulismo phenomenon. Incorporating advances and pointing out gaps in such research efforts, is formulated a roadmap for empirical research constituted of three key elements - the measure ment of the dimensions of class structure in Brazilian capitalism; the observation of material interests related to the constituents locations of such structure; the development of measures of association between the insertion in class groupings and indivi dual voting behavior. Based on the neo - Marxist approach of class analysis, especially as formulated by Wright, it is made an adaptation of the typology formulated by such approach (mainly developed by Santos to the Brazilian case) to the data available fro m databases of censuses of 2000 and 2010. This theoretical construct reveals that during the period considered for the analysis, the structure of class - relations in Brazil became more proletarized and consequently had a decrease of the dimensions of the de stitute class locations. In addition, it was found, in relation to the objective class interests, widespread increments of economic welfare that allowed advances in relation to the material conditions of the proletariat, without, however, incurring losses to the privileged class positions. Such changes in the structural sphere focused in various ways on the political arena. Based on an adaptation to electoral analysis of the concept of "class formation", also formulated by Wright, associated with the use of techniques of ecological inference (especially those proposed by King and associates), it was possible to draw up an overview of class voting in period studied. As main results, three general patterns of individual voting behavior, related to each of the three analyzed class groupings were identified - a contraposition against PT candidates, by voters in privileged class locations; the adhesion, recurring throughout the study period, of workers to Lula and Dilma Rousseff; a favorable electoral shift unde rtaken by economically deprived voters in favor of those candidatures in the 2006 election.
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This present research focus at the teaching of music in social programs, it discuss about the teaching concepts that permeates the educational-musical practice presents in Serviço de Convivência e Fortalecimento de Vínculos (SCFV), of Complexo Dom Bosco, in Natal-RN. The Objective is to reflect upon the music teaching concepts and the relations between musical knowledge and culture. For this, it was problematized the concepts of music teaching and learning in governmental social projects through theoretical and empirical research. After this step, it was studied the cultural aspects involving the routine in the institutions the influenced the music learning at Serviço de Convivência e Fortalecimento de Vínculos, furthermore, and how these aspects are present in the constitution of the paradigms that involve music teaching. For this, it was used a qualitative approach and a case study as type of research. As data capture tool it was used the ethnographic write, photography, interviews as a Facilitator of music with the students of the program, and video recordings of musical learning situations. Theoretical support it was used authors who study the complexity, culture and music teaching in social projects. Finally, the conclusion is that musical learning, in the SCFV context, is involved of cultural conceptions steeped to the Oratório Dom Bosco space and the same time the Brazilian Social Assistance Policy. Sometimes these concepts are contradictory: discipline, leadership and combat social exclusion refer to dialogical cultural hologram of the institutions involved in the music education process.
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This thesis proposes the adoption of a practical and philosophic approach to the discussion about what should be a healthy food, in view of the actual problems concerning this subject (from famine to obesity), which affect food and nutritional security and constitute target of many official policies. In order to handle this task, this work resorts to ethic, pedagogical and anthropological concepts inherent to Immanuel Kant’s philosophy, as valuable contributions to the practice of the professional nutritionist committed to the support and accomplishment of the human right to adequate nutrition (DHAA). Under this assumption, it intends to surpass the prevailing idea inside the social programs and policies favoring the utilitarian argument. It considers rather that a healthy food is also a duty of virtue, according to the Kantian duties to one-self. The liberation of transgenic seeds in Brazil comes up as an example of the violation of the right to food security and affects it negatively, resulting from the conflict between politics and moral faced by the Brazilian government. This paper concludes that DHAA realization requires not only a committed state, but also committed citizens and suggests that Kant’s philosophy should offer important contributions to supporting the practice of the professional nutritionist, awarding him the necessary information about this matter.
Resumo:
This thesis proposes the adoption of a practical and philosophic approach to the discussion about what should be a healthy food, in view of the actual problems concerning this subject (from famine to obesity), which affect food and nutritional security and constitute target of many official policies. In order to handle this task, this work resorts to ethic, pedagogical and anthropological concepts inherent to Immanuel Kant’s philosophy, as valuable contributions to the practice of the professional nutritionist committed to the support and accomplishment of the human right to adequate nutrition (DHAA). Under this assumption, it intends to surpass the prevailing idea inside the social programs and policies favoring the utilitarian argument. It considers rather that a healthy food is also a duty of virtue, according to the Kantian duties to one-self. The liberation of transgenic seeds in Brazil comes up as an example of the violation of the right to food security and affects it negatively, resulting from the conflict between politics and moral faced by the Brazilian government. This paper concludes that DHAA realization requires not only a committed state, but also committed citizens and suggests that Kant’s philosophy should offer important contributions to supporting the practice of the professional nutritionist, awarding him the necessary information about this matter.
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Humanas, Departamento de Serviço Social, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Política Social, 2016.
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Introducción: La evaluación de programas sociales, ha sido, desde sus inicios, de gran importancia para fortalecer los procesos de toma de decisiones de los hacedores de los programas, ya que retroalimenta lo ejecutado y ayuda a aplicar correctivos necesarios para lograr el impacto deseado en la población objetivo, que generalmente son comunidades vulnerables como las personas con discapacidad. En los últimos años, esta población ha sido foco de múltiples programas y proyectos en diferentes temáticas como la actividad física, la recreación, el deporte y la educación física. Por esto, en el año 2013, Coldeportes en aras de poder parametrizar y permitir un impacto adecuado en esta población, diseñó un grupo de lineamientos los cuales son los encargados de generar las directrices de los programas que se diseñen y ejecuten en los entes territoriales. Para poder realizar el seguimiento y resultado de su aplicación, es necesario hacerlo por intermedio de una herramienta de evaluación. De acuerdo con las últimas tendencias en la evaluación de programas sociales, debe hacerse por intermedio de indicadores, los cuales permiten realizarla de una manera más eficiente. Por tal motivo, la herramienta de evaluación para los lineamientos será a través de indicadores. Objetivo: Generar una herramienta de evaluación para los programas y actividades en actividad física, recreación y deporte para la población con discapacidad en Colombia, a partir de los lineamientos de inclusión definidos por Coldeportes. Metodología: Se realizó una revisión bibliográfica acerca de la evaluación de programas sociales, indicadores de evaluación y población con discapacidad, seguido a esto se diseñaron los indicadores de evaluación con base en las variables de los lineamientos propuestos por Coldeportes, posteriormente, los indicadores fueron sometidos a una validación en un grupo nominal, conformado por expertos en programas sociales y trabajo en población con discapacidad, por último, se sistematizaron y analizaron los resultados. iii Resultados: La herramienta de evaluación fue validada por parte de los expertos, hubo ajustes en los indicadores de evaluación de los lineamientos de accesibilidad a la comunicación e información, accesibilidad a la formación académica y accesibilidad al entorno físico. Conclusiones: La herramienta de evaluación diseñada, es un primer paso para mejorar los métodos actuales de evaluación, encaminada a fortalecer los datos existentes de la población con discapacidad y tener una visión del impacto de los planes, programas y proyectos en actividad física, recreación y deporte ejecutados en la actualidad, por lo cual queda continuar con la investigación en nuevas alternativas de evaluación que permitan mejorar los procesos de toma de decisiones y así garantizar planes, programas y proyectos sociales adecuados para la población, sin distinguir características particulares.
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Magdeburg, Univ., Fak. für Wirtschaftswiss., Diss., 2010
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In cost-effectiveness analysis (CEA) it is usually assumed that a QALY is of equal value to everybody, irrespective of the patient's age. However, it is possible that society assigns different social values to a QALY according to who gets it. In this paper we discuss the possibility of weighting health benefits for age in CEA. We also examinethe possibility that age-related preferences depend on the size of the health gain. An experiment was performedto test these hypotheses. The results assessing suggest that the patient's age is a relevant factor when assessing health gains.
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Resumen tomado de la publicación. Con el apoyo económico del departamento MIDE de la UNED