132 resultados para Reservations
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This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: Map of the Metropolitan District of Boston : showing local public reservations, the holdings of the Metropolitan Park Commission and additions which have been proposed. It was originally published in the Report of the Board of Metropolitan Park Commissioners, Jan. 1899 to "accompany report of Olmsted Brothers, Landscape Architects, Dec. 1st, 1898." Scale 1:62,500. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the Massachusetts State Plane Coordinate System, Mainland Zone (in Feet) (Fipszone 2001). All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows local parks and reservations over one half acre, Metropolitan reservations and parkways taken or provided for, and proposed additions to the Metropolitan system. Features include parks, roads, railroads, drainage, town boundaries and more. Relief is shown by contours and spot heights. This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps of Massachusetts from the Harvard Map Collection. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features. The selection represents a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates (1755-1922), scales, and purposes. The digitized selection includes maps of: the state, Massachusetts counties, town surveys, coastal features, real property, parks, cemeteries, railroads, roads, public works projects, etc.
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A presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar tematicamente a polémica de 1715/16 entre Leibniz e Clarke, não apenas, como é usual, no âmbito das conceções do espaço e do tempo, mas no conjunto dos seus temas metafísicos, teológicos, gnosiológicos e físicos. Na estruturação da dissertação, adquiriu um papel central o confronto dos autores em torno da noção de liberdade, cuja importância é evidente na utilização do princípio da razão suficiente e seus corolários, na distinção entre verdades de razão e verdades de facto, entre os diversos tipos de necessidade, nas conceções alternativas de espaço e de tempo, na alternativa entre átomos e mónadas, na questão dos limites do universo, na relação entre a alma e o corpo, nas teses relativas à providência divina, na forma como se concebe a relação de Deus com a sua máquina, na noção de milagre e nas próprias noções de força e de movimento, pelo menos no que respeita à sua relação com Deus, isto sem desprezar a abordagem direta da própria noção de liberdade. Com este enquadramento, pretende-se mostrar, através de um eloquente exemplo histórico, que as teorias científicas naturais se podem alicerçar em teorias metafísicas e que esses alicerces não têm que se esgotar, mesmo no seio da metafísica, nas questões estritamente cosmológicas, isto para lá de poderem existir influências nunca menosprezáveis de domínios não filosóficos, como é o caso da teologia dogmática. Apesar disto ser evidente na abordagem dos textos, existe uma sistemática menorização contemporânea desta determinação, como se fosse uma idiossincrasia da época ou uma deferência que a ciência tinha de ter numa época ainda obscurecida pela autoridade das igrejas e pela especulação filosófica. Esta abordagem pretende compreender todos os aspetos do pensamento expresso pelos autores na polémica, na sua integralidade, sem reservas de qualquer tipo.
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The promotion of women’s rights is described as a priority within the external action of the European Union (EU). As a result of the Arab Spring uprisings which have been ongoing since 2011, democracy and human rights have been pushed to the forefront of European policy towards the Euro-Mediterranean region. The EU could capitalise on these transformations to help positively reshape gender relations or it could fail to adapt. Thus, the Arab Spring can be seen to serve as a litmus test for the EU’s women’s rights policy. This paper examines how and to what extent the EU diffuses women’s rights in this region, by using Ian Manners’ ‘Normative Power Europe’ as the conceptual framework. It argues that while the EU tries to behave as a normative force for women’s empowerment by way of ‘informational diffusion’, ‘transference’ ‘procedural diffusion’ and ‘overt diffusion’; its efforts could, and should, be strengthened. There are reservations over the EU’s credibility, choice of engagement and its commitment in the face of security and ideological concerns. Moreover, it seems that the EU focuses more intently on women’s political rights than on their social and economic freedoms.
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L'oxygénothérapie hyperbare (OTH) consiste à soumettre un patient à des taux de pression plus élevés que la pression atmosphérique normale et de lui faire respirer 100 % d'oxygène. Cette approche a été mise à l'essai pour le traitement de nombreuses conditions médicales avec succès dans certains cas alors pour d'autres sa validité reste encore à démontrer. Dans le cas de la paralysie cérébrale son utilisation a soulevé de nombreuses controverses et les études conduites jusqu'alors n'ont pas encore convaincu tous les membres de la communauté scientifique et ce, malgré certains effets positifs mis en évidence. Une récente étude qui a montré des améliorations notables chez des enfants atteints de paralysie cérébrale (PC) traités avec de l'air légèrement pressurisé, de même que chez ceux traités avec un protocole standard pour l'oxygénothérapie hyperbare (l'OTH), est invoquée pour nier l'efficacité de l'OTH. Des considérations politiques et économiques, plutôt que purement scientifiques, jouent un rôle important dans cette controverse. Des recherches systématiques supplémentaires sont requises, mais entre-temps, comme les effets thérapeutiques de cette approche semblent plus importants que ceux des thérapies actuellement acceptées dans le traitement de la paralysie cérébrale, les enfants atteints de cette condition ne devraient pas se faire refuser l'accès à l'OTH.
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The relations between Turkey and the European Union are special for several reasons. Of all candidates, Turkey has been aspiring to EU membership for the longest time. With 70 million citizens, it is the most populous candidate country, and if it were admitted to the EU, around the year 2020 would become the single most populous Member State. It would also be the only UE Member State inhabited almost exclusively by Muslims. Like Cyprus, it lies almost entirely in the Asian continent. Because of the scale of Turkey's internal problems, the country faces much more serious reservations concerning its accession than the remaining candidates. Turkey's membership application meets with the strongest opposition in the European Union. This paper aims to discuss the history of the complex relations between Turkey and the European Union, the main issues that impede Turkey's integration with the Community, including the country's internal problems in particular, and the transformations taking place in Turkey under the influence of Community policy.
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The Party of Regions took power in early 2010, after Ukraine had been plunged deep in economic crisis. Over the next year, with the external markets recovering, the country’s economic situation started to improve gradually. Ukraine’s economic stabilisation was also strengthened by its resumed cooperation with the International Monetary Fund, which provided for a loan worth $15.1 billion. The issuing of successive tranches of the loan was made dependent on the implementation of a comprehensive reform programme. The cooperation went quite smoothly at first; however, as the economic situation in Ukraine improved, the reformist zeal of the Ukrainian government started to fade, and obstacles began piling up. As a result, Ukraine was refused the third tranche, scheduled for this March, and for the moment the credit line remains frozen. Even though the IMF has numerous reservations about the Ukrainian government’s economic policy, the fundamental condition for resuming cooperation is reform of the pension system, which the parliament should adopt. The difficulties with fulfilling the obligations made to the IMF reflect the wider problem with implementing reforms in Ukraine, as the Party of Regions promised after taking power. Changes which do not affect the interests of influential lobbies are quite easy to carry out. Often, however, these changes are not conducive to the economy’s liberalisation; moreover, the influential lobbies are successful in blocking reforms that could harm their businesses. Another impediment to the changes is that some reforms are likely to bring about painful social consequences, and that can affect public support for the ruling group. Even though theoretically possible, it does not seem likely that Ukraine’s cooperation with the IMF will be terminated. But even if this cooperation is continued, deeper reforms in Ukraine are likely to be postponed until after the parliamentary elections in autumn 2012.
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Executive Summary. The euro area is still suffering from low growth and high unemployment. For the recovery to become a reality, there needs to be a balance between fiscal discipline, supply side improvements and actions aimed at stimulating demand and growth. Increasing investment, both private and public, are important components in overcoming the recession. This becomes especially clear when comparing investment dynamics during the crisis with pre-crisis levels. Total investment is still much lower than before the crisis and public investment is well below its pre-crisis peak as well. In late November 2014, European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker submitted a long-awaited proposal for a European Investment Plan that aims to stimulate private investment. Apart from the creation of the new European Fund for Strategic Investment (EFSI), through which private investors will receive public guarantees, the investment plan also aims to provide project assistance and improve the Single Market by removing sector-specific or other financial barriers to investment. While generally perceived as a first positive step towards increasing private investment, some commentators have expressed reservations about the plan. These include, among others, the lack of fresh money for the initial contributions to EFSI. Since a substantial amount of these contributions is reshuffled from other places in the European budget, the question was raised whether EFSI can fund additional projects or just replicates investment projects that would have happened without the plan. Other criticism relates to the high estimate of the expected leverage ratio of 1:15, and to the risk that the plan will only have a limited impact on stressed economies. The Juncker Plan addresses private investment, but so far there really is no clear strategy to stimulate productive public investment on the European and national level. Countries with fiscal space are reluctant to engage in higher spending, while those willing and in need of it the most are restricted by the rules. Member States and the Commission should therefore discuss options for further improving the euro area's economic governance. In addition to urging countries with fiscal space to increase investing in national public goods, investment could be treated with budget flexibility. One could, for instance, upgrade the importance of public investment in the European Semester. Additional deficit granted for public investment purposes could be attached to certain Country-Specific Recommendations. Another solution would be to allow some form of budget flexibility, such as the formulation of a new Golden Rule for productive public investment becoming part of the Stability and Growth Pact's application. Besides relying on a larger amount of flexibility in the rules, the Financial Transaction Tax (FTT) could be another solution to fund investment in European public goods. It will also be necessary to overcome the mistrust among Member States that is preventing further action. The political bargain of stronger conditionality, such as through contractual arrangements, could improve the situation. Increased trust will also be an important condition for tackling long-reaching economic governance reforms such as the creation of a Fiscal Capacity, which could take the form of a macroeconomic shock insurance. Such a Fiscal Capacity could make a real difference in providing the necessary funding to maintain productive public investment, even in times of deep recessions. The proposals presented do not attempt to be conclusive, but shall rather be an input for a wider debate on how to increase growth and employment in Europe. The paper draws heavily on the discussion of a Workshop on Growth and Investment, which the European Policy Centre (EPC) hosted on 10 December 2014 under Chatham-House Rule, with a group of economists and representatives from the European institutions.
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By gathering a representative sample of citizens from all 27 EU Member States, the deliberative poll Europolis created the opportunity for the inclusion of a wide variety of European voices. Taking up claims of difference democrats who argue that informal hurdles to participation can endure even after individuals gain formal access to the floor, this article argues for an extended approach to evaluate equality in deliberative minipublics. Specifically, it assesses whether participants contributed in roughly equal measures to the discussion and whether their discussion partners considered their contributions on equal merits. In doing so, the article adds to the small but growing literature on deliberation that expresses reservations about taking the willingness to engage with others' claims for granted. In order to account for the intrinsically relational aspect of interpersonal communication, measures of social network analysis are introduced as possible tools to evaluate participation equality in deliberative encounters.
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Bibliography: p. 123-135.
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Accompanying computer discs issused in pockets inside back cover.
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Issued as a supplement to: Alaska federal land withdrawals and reservations.
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Red Rock district, Cove mesa, and Kinusta mesa lie in southern Carrizo Mountain region of Apache County, Arizona, 25 miles south of the Utah State line. The Red Rock district lies along the Arizona-New Mexico line, and the two mesas are approximately 15 miles to the west (Plate I). All of these areas are within the boundaries of Navajo reservations in Arizona and New Mexico.
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Analyzes the role of Dalits (formerly untouchables) in shaping modern India, including discourse about caste, and interrogates the dominant narratives that have been used to represent India's history. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"March 24, 1999, Washington, DC"--Pt. 1.