Cartel de la Exposición: "Muro Mediterráneo: arquitecturas para la defensa de la Guerra de España (1936-1939)"

Cartel de la Exposición: "Muro Mediterráneo: arquitecturas para la defensa de la Guerra de España (1936-1939)" que se celebra del 31-enero al 28-febrero de 2014 en la Sala Polivalente del Museo de la Universidad de Alicante.

Muro Mediterráneo: arquitecturas para la defensa de la Guerra de España (1936-1939)

Una década antes de que fuera construido el Muro Atlántico, fue ejecutado un sistema de defensas a lo largo de la costa del Mediterráneo español (1936-39). La recuperación de estas construcciones (de sus documentos gráficos y de las obras que existen) y su puesta en valor puede ayudar a consolidar una memoria propia del siglo XX. Las piezas militares se sitúan en muchas fronteras: ¿son estas defensas arquitectura o piezas industriales? ¿Son arquitectura moderna? Estas transitan entre dos mundos: uno que proyecta arquitecturas ligeras, flexibles y con caducidad frente a otro que construye obras compactas, rígidas y eternas. Espacio, tiempo y materia. Son las ruinas de hormigón más modernas de nuestra historia camufladas en la topografía: templos y tumbas a la vez.

No tan diferentes. La actividad empresarial de los siderúrgicos españoles en el contexto europeo (1891-1936)

A la hora de explicar las causas del atraso relativo de España en las décadas previas a la Guerra Civil, algunos autores han considerado como un factor clave la mayor propensión de los empresarios españoles a las estrategias de búsqueda de rentas, lo que dio lugar a un sector industrial protegido, cartelizado e ineficiente. Dado que la siderurgia es señalada frecuentemente como el paradigma de las funciones improductivas de los empresarios españoles, el presente trabajo pretende, en primer lugar, contrastar las actitudes de los siderúrgicos españoles con las de los franceses y alemanes en las décadas que precedieron a la Primera Guerra Mundial. En segundo lugar, se analizará si la cartelización del mercado entre 1897 y 1936 tuvo consecuencias negativas para el desarrollo económico de España, tales como restricción a la entrada de competidores, ausencia de innovaciones tecnológicas y, como resultado de ello, una oferta rígida para su producción.

Entre la tradición y la modernidad. La Educación en Alicante, 1875-1936

Analizar la historia de la Educación en la provincia de Alicante en las últimas décadas del siglo XIX y las primeras del XX supone describir las continuas dificultades que atravesó la enseñanza, ante la desatención de las autoridades, que sólo se atenuó algo en la nueva centuria. Este panorama cambió por completo con la implantación de la II República en 1931, pues la educación se convirtió para los poderes públicos republicanos en una prioridad, confiando en la capacidad de la escuela para crear una sociedad moderna y democrática. Un proyecto educativo que, como es bien sabido, fue tristemente truncado por la Dictadura franquista, que supuso en éste como en tantos otros ámbitos una vuelta a los peores rasgos de la tradición.

La calle rojinegra. Anarcosindicalismo, rituales de movilización y símbolos en el espacio público (1931-1936)

Este artículo se centra en el análisis de la tipología, características y evolución de algunos de los diversos rituales de movilización y símbolos desplegados en el espacio público por las distintas organizaciones y núcleos de militantes de signo confederal y anarquista en España durante los años de la Segunda República, antes del estallido de la sublevación militar de julio de 1936. Entre ellos: huelgas, insurrecciones revolucionarias, mítines, manifestaciones, excursiones, entierros de militantes, etc. El propósito de estas acciones era claro: tanto la cohesión y reafirmación identitaria internas, como la proyección externa del movimiento. Con estas estrategias de acción colectiva, que suponían una “salida” al espacio público, se trataba de hacer visible allí la fuerza del movimiento y reafirmar la presencia física de este, sus reivindicaciones y aspiraciones. Esta visibilidad se reforzaba mediante el despliegue de los símbolos propios: himnos, canciones, banderas, etc.

«Obreros, no votéis». La CNT y el Frente Popular en las elecciones de 1936

Este artículo pretende aclarar la postura de la CNT y la FAI ante las elecciones generales de 1936. Se analiza cómo tradujeron los propagandistas de ambas organizaciones las ponencias electorales aprobadas en sus Plenos durante la campaña electoral. La comparación con la propaganda anarcosindicalista de noviembre de 1933 y el análisis de las concepciones dispares que la CNT y las izquierdas coaligadas en el Frente Popular mantenían sobre la amnistía y el peligro fascista, cuestionan que en 1936 se produjera una convergencia de intereses entre ambas y, por tanto, un relajamiento en las posiciones apolíticas y antielectorales de aquélla.

The Civil Society Forum of the Eastern Partnership four years on: Progress, challenges and prospects. CEPS Special Report, January 2014

Established in 2009, during the Eastern Partnership Summit in Prague, the Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum supports the development of civil society organisations from the EU-28 and the six Partnership countries, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. After four years of operation, the Secretariat of the Forum’s Steering Committee commissioned CEPS to conduct a comprehensive evaluation of its programme. This report singles out the institutionalisation and socialisation inculcated among its members as the Forum’s greatest accomplishment. In contrast to its internal developments, it argues that the external policy successes of the Forum remain modest. This report is the first attempt to conduct an in-depth assessment of the Forum's Annual Assembly, the Steering Committee and its Secretariat, the Working Groups and National Platforms. Ten actionable recommendations are put forward aimed at improving the Civil Society Forum’s standing and performance.

Exceeding expectations, Lithuania moves the Trio presidency forward. CEPS Commentary, 22 January 2014

Lithuania assumed its maiden term running the rotating Presidency of the Council in the 2nd half of 2013 under difficult constraints: the country’s modest administrative capacities and the enormous time pressures brought on by the urgency of certain dossiers and the abbreviated term of the current Parliament, which ends in mid-April. Nevertheless, as assessed by Sonia Piedrafita and Vilde Renman in this new CEPS Commentary, substantial progress was made thanks to the perseverance and strenuous efforts by the Lithuanians. In the end, some 137 legal acts were adopted during its six-month term, including several highly sensitive and complex pieces of legislation. The overall success was only slightly marred by the haste with which a few agreements were negotiated.

What are the effects of the EU budget: Driving force or drop in the ocean? CEPS Special Report No. 86/April 2014

The study presents an overview of the impact of the main investment tools of the EU budget. The focus is on the increasing role of the financial instruments, which are fundamentally changing the budget’s nature and reach. Through these instruments, the EU can invest more efficiently in more areas and mobilise a multiple of funds. The EU budget has the potential to influence the European economy much more than its modest size in terms of GDP may suggest.

What are the effects of the EU budget: Driving force or drop in the ocean? CEPS Special Report No. 86, April 2014

The study presents an overview of the impact of the main investment tools of the EU budget. The focus is on the increasing role of the financial instruments, which are fundamentally changing the budget’s nature and reach. Through these instruments, the EU can invest more efficiently in more areas and mobilise a multiple of funds. The EU budget has the potential to influence the European economy much more than its modest size in terms of GDP may suggest.

Designing a Genuine EMU: Which "Unions" for EU and Eurozone? Bruges European Economic Policy (BEEP) Briefing 34/2014

The initial ‘framing’ (in the summer of 2012) of the ‘genuine EMU’ for the wider public suggested to design an entire series of ‘unions’. So many ‘unions’ are neither necessary nor desirable – only some are and their design matters. The paper critically discusses first the negative fall-out of the crisis for EMU, and subsequently assesses the fiscal and the banking unions as accomplished so far, without going into highly specific technical details. The assessment is moderately positive, although there is ample scope for further improvement and a risk for short-term turbulence once the ECB has finished its tests and reviews. What about the parade of other ’unions’ such as economic union, social union and political union? The macro-economic imbalances procedure (MIP) and possibly the ESRB have overcome the pre-crisis disregard of macro competitiveness. The three components of ‘economic union’ (single market, economic policy coordination and budgetary disciplines) have all been strengthened. The last two ‘unions’, on the other hand, would imply a fundamental change in the conferral of powers to the EU/ Eurozone, with drastic and possibly very serious long-run implications, including a break-up of the Union, if such proposals would be pushed through. The cure is worse than the disease. Whereas social union is perhaps easier to dismiss as a ‘misfit’ in the EU, the recent popularity of suggesting a ‘political union’ is seen as worrisome. Probably, nobody knows what a ‘political union’ is, or, at best, it is a highly elastic notion: it might be thought necessary for reasons of domestic economic reforms in EU countries, for a larger common budget, for some EU tax power, for (greater) risk pooling, for ‘symmetric’ macro-economic adjustment and for some ultimate control of the ECB in times of crisis. Taking each one of these arguments separately, a range of more typical EU solutions might be found without suggesting a ‘political union’. Just as ‘fiscal capacity’ was long an all-or-nothing taboo for shifting bank resolution to the EU level, now solved with a modest common Fund and carefully confined but centralised powers, the author suggests that other carefully targeted responses can be designed for the various aspects where seen as indispensable, including the political say of a lender-of-last-resort function of the ECB. Hence, neither a social nor a political union worthy of the name ought to be pursued. Yet, political legitimacy matters, both with national parliaments and the grassroots. National parliaments will have to play a larger role.

Agriculture, Food and the TTIP: Possibilities and Pitfalls. CEPS Special Report No. 99/December 2014. TTIP Series No. 3 and Paper No. 1 in the CEPS-CTR project “TTIP in the balance’’

Progress in agriculture and food issues in the TTIP talks will largely be determined by the level of ambition in the negotiations as a whole. If ambitions are modest, a low-level agreement could probably be reached that includes some limited commitments on agricultural market access and food regulations. These could include promises of mutual support in the area of opening up agricultural markets through the WTO and of further Transatlantic cooperation in trying to resolve conflicts over food regulations. Bolder ambitions would allow more scope for tackling the difficult problems, though at the cost of time. It would be unfortunate if the opportunity were not taken to make some significant progress in removing some longstanding irritants in the area of agricultural policy and food regulations: this is where the economic gains are likely to be significant and the spill-overs useful. This paper argues the case that it is worthwhile making the effort to secure a constructive and imaginative agreement on agriculture and food regulations in the TTIP. A fairly detailed suggestive list of potential sub-deals in agro-food, supported by the analysis in the paper, is the most concrete one of a series of policy conclusions