103 resultados para Politicization


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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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A presente dissertação analisa como o Partido Social Cristão (PSC), ao longo do tempo, se apropriou da identidade religiosa de seus atores políticos que na sua maioria são membros da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica, os quais defendem no espaço público a “família tradicional”, em detrimento da pluralidade de arranjos familiares na contemporaneidade. Para explicitar o objeto - “família tradicional” e PSC -, foi necessário retroceder no tempo e investigar na historiografia os primórdios da inserção dos evangélicos na política brasileira. Em vista disso, analisamos a participação dos evangélicos nos respectivos períodos do Brasil: Colônia, Império e República. A dificuldade da entrada de evangélicos na política partidária, dentre outros fatores, se deve àinfluência do catolicismo no Estado. Assim sendo, averiguamos em todas as Constituições (1824, 1891, 1934, 1937, 1946, 1967, 1969 e 1988) o que a mesma diz no que tange a proibição e a liberdade religiosa no país. Logo, verificamos entre as Eras Vargas e República Populista, que ocorreu com intensidade a transição do apoliticismo para o politicismo entre os evangélicos brasileiros, porém, eles não recebiam o apoio formal de suas igrejas. Em seguida, a participação dos evangélicos na arena política durante a ditadura militar foi investigada com destaque para o posicionamento de vanguarda da IECLB, através do Manifesto de Curitiba e, também com a presença de parlamentares evangélicos no Congresso Nacional. A politização pentecostal é ressaltada em nosso trabalho, através do pioneirismo de Manoel de Mello e, depois na Redemocratização quando as instituições evangélicas se organizaram para eleger seus candidatos à Assembleia Nacional Constituinte. E, com o fim do regime militar, o PSC surge como partido “nanico”, contudo, deixa o anonimato e ganha visibilidade midiática quando o pastor e deputado, Marco Feliciano, assume a presidência da Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Minorias, em 2013. Esse é o pano de fundo histórico que projetou o PSC e seus atores no pleito de 2014 com o mote “família tradicional”.

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Inspired by the idea of safe citizenship this article queries the possibilities of safety in an age of securitization. It challenges the cosmopolitan worldview and its iteration of a global cosmopolitan citizen. It champions an account of affective citizenship, narration and attends to the trauma of exile. It offers an account of exile before suggesting an institutional design premised on politicization. This design, it is argued, facilitates moments of storytelling fostering individual empowerment. This unorthodox rendering of agency allows the traumatized exile to negotiate the world as it is, not as it could be, as a potential ‘safe’ citizen.

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This study aims to analyze citizen participation in state policy decisions, as an essential element of legitimacy in the branches of government, especially in the sphere of the Executive, in the context of deliberative democracy. But, this study still has the desideratum to understand the citizen's role in public life, especially in the sphere of the Executive Branch, in order to effect the Fundamental Right to Public Administration proba, efficient and honest. Thus, to achieve this mister, the proposal is to expose the pesamento the classic contractualist, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Rousseau about the legitimacy of governments, through the statutes, and the question of the general will and majority rule as well how to present the comments of Thomas Jefferson on popular sovereignty and dialogical citizen participation in matters of local interest. After, it will be studied the theories of Fundamental Rights in order to demonstrate the need for the Civil Service should be veiled in a more specific custody rights, given the deep crisis in the Public Administrative practice due, especially, corruption. On the other side, the fundamentality of management also covers the aspect of the development of cities, which decisively affects the development of man, which, to join a deliberative governance program needs to be politicized, adopting full participation, dialogue, as duty citizen. Furthermore, taking as most heart, will be presented the doctrine of Jürgen Habermas, whose Discourse Theory element is to be followed for the implementation of a This study aims to analyze citizen participation in state policy decisions, as an essential element of legitimacy in the branches of the government, especially in the sphere of the Executive, in the context of deliberative democracy. But, this study also has the desideratum to understand the citizen's role in public life, especially in the sphere of the Executive Branch, in order to actualize the Fundamental Right to a just, efficient and honest Public Administration. Thus, to achieve this necessity, the proposal is to expose the thought of the classic contractualist thinkers, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Rousseau about the legitimacy of governments, through the statutes, and the question of the general will and majority rule as well as how to present the comments of Thomas Jefferson on popular sovereignty and dialogical citizen participation in matters of local interest. Later on, the theories of Fundamental Rights will be studied in order to demonstrate that the need for the Civil Service should be veiled in a more specific right custody, given the deep crisis in the Public Administrative practice due to, especially, the corruption. On the other hand, the fundamentality of management also covers the aspect of the development of cities, which decisively affects the development of man, who, to join a deliberative governance program, needs to be politicized, adopting full participation and dialogue as a citizen responsibility. Furthermore, taking as the major heart, it will be presented the doctrine of Jürgen Habermas whose Discourse Theory element is to be followed for the implementation of a broad deliberative and emancipatory democracy, with effective citizen participation. It will also be considered the Condorcet Constitution Project as a comparative link in the linking of the public deliberative will, and the Central Power, in the face of the Theory of “Sluice” Habermas. The proposal, based on communicative action, must allow a continuous flux and influx process of social interests towards the exercise of administrative power. The dialogical deal, brought to the center of the decisions, will allow discussions in the public scope, and may contribute to the legitimacy of government actions, inasmuch as it creates the feeling of politicization demanded by the man in a democratic state.

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This thesis, part of the research line "Work, Society and Education" analyzes, in a dialectical perspective, in the light of Tragtenberg´s studies, the conception of subject of schoolwork, considering the organization and the complexity of this context and inviting the investigative gaze. Our hypothesis is that the workers of education have, in the schoolwork, a fragile politicization field and overcoming the installed model, accepting themselves as executers with self-organizing difficulties, distanced from the effective participation, autonomy and self-management. We consider studies on the logic of the work, believing that the understanding of schoolwork is constitute into the current societal model, in whom its bureaucratic and hierarchical matrix, linked to articulated / articulators of the dominant socio-economic class interests. Scholars such as Braverman, Frigotto and Tragtenberg, among others, are important contributions to this reflection. We have analyzed the logic of the work also in dialogue with pedagogies differentiated, among them, the Libertarian defended by Tragtenberg, aiming to understand the conceptions and practices of the subjects involved. We accomplished a bibliographical critical analysis, in a dialectical character, focusing on the categories: work, schoolwork, control, autonomy and self-management, in order to understand the complexity of the praxis in study, dialoguing with the pillars categories historicity, contradiction and totality, which transversalize the developed analysis. The consideration of these concepts allows us to uncover the dominant bureaucratic structure and its possible overcoming fields. We believe contribute to problematizing and proposers studies, reflections and discussions, strengthening debates, deconstructing naturalizations and contributing to the political process of the subjects.

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Las más elementales exigencias de rigor crítico e independencia siguen a menudo sin cumplirse hoy en día en la reconstrucción histórica de la figura del judío Yeshua ben Yosef (Jesús el galileo), en parte porque el carácter inconsistente de las fuentes evangélicas no es tomado en serio. El presente artículo analiza las incongruencias de los relatos de la pasión, muestra en ellos los indicios de un proceso de despolitización, y señala el carácter insostenible de varias afirmaciones clave de muchos historiadores contemporáneos sobre el predicador galileo.

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In Brazil, the selection of school principals is set in a decentralized manner by each state and city, such that processes may vary with time for a specific locality. In the state of Bahia, school principals were appointed by a higher political hierarchy until 2008, when schools under state administration started selecting principals by elections. The main goal of this work is to evaluate whether changing this specific rule affected students proficiency levels. This is achieved by using a panel data and difference-in-differences approachs that compares state schools (treatment group) to city schools (control group) that did not face a selection rule change and thus kept having their principals politically appointed. The databases used are Prova Brasil 2007, 2009 and 2011, the first one prior and the other two former to the policy change. Our results suggest that students attending schools with principals that are selected and elected have slightly lower mean proficiency levels both in mathematics and in portuguese exams than those attending schools with appointed principals. This result, according to the literature, could be related to perverse effects of selecting school administrators by vote, such as corporatism, clientelism and politicization of the school environment

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Français L'observation ethnographique des politisations différentielles pendant une campagne électorale en contexte autoritaire changeant est un analyseur privilégié de plusieurs processus. Sur un plan empirique, elle donne à voir les modalités diversifiées d'appropriation du moment électoral par les acteurs, les tentatives d'ajustement d'une partie de la gauche marocaine à la perte de son électorat de granit et aux transformations du marché électoral, mais également un mouvement de fond : celui de l'inversion ponctuelle du principe censitaire, en lien avec la désertion des urnes par les plus dotés culturellement et matériellement et avec la mutation du vote urbain populaire. Sur un plan théorique, l'examen des tâtonnements en oeuvre - avant leur naturalisation - permet de poursuivre le dialogue entre les travaux sur le clientélisme politique et sur la politisation, au croisement des approches socio-historiques et de sociologie politique, en contextes autoritaires et démocratiques. Il montre l'intérêt de dépasser les oppositions entre conceptions restrictives et extensives de la politisation, pour se saisir processuellement et in situ des politisations différentielles des acteurs, des registres et des pratiques. English Differential Forms of Politicization and Mutual Acculturation in an Authoritarian ContextThe ethnographic observation of differential forms of politicization during an electoral campaign in a changing authoritarian context is an ideal means of analyzing a number of processes. Empirically, it enables us to observe the actors' diverse ways of appropriating the electoral moment, a Moroccan leftist party's attempts to adjust to the loss of its electoral base and the transformations of the electoral market. It also enables us to observe a one-time reversal of the symbolic voting restrictions, in correlation with the desertion of the polls by the those best equipped to participate, both culturally and materially, and with the transformation of the urban popular vote. In theoretical terms, examination of such ongoing processes - before their stabilization - allows us to follow the interplay between the work on political clientelism and on politicization, at the intersection of sociohistorical and political sociological approaches, in authoritarian and democratic contexts. It demonstrates the value of moving beyond the opposition between restrictive and extensive conceptions of politicization, to grasp the process in situ of differential forms of the politicization of actors, registers and practices.

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In Brazil, the selection of school principals is set in a decentralized manner by each state and city, such that processes may vary with time for a specific locality. In the state of Bahia, school principals were appointed by a higher political hierarchy until 2008, when schools under state administration started selecting principals by elections. The main goal of this work is to evaluate whether changing this specific rule affected students proficiency levels. This is achieved by using a panel data and difference-in-differences approachs that compares state schools (treatment group) to city schools (control group) that did not face a selection rule change and thus kept having their principals politically appointed. The databases used are Prova Brasil 2007, 2009 and 2011, the first one prior and the other two former to the policy change. Our results suggest that students attending schools with principals that are selected and elected have slightly lower mean proficiency levels both in mathematics and in portuguese exams than those attending schools with appointed principals. This result, according to the literature, could be related to perverse effects of selecting school administrators by vote, such as corporatism, clientelism and politicization of the school environment

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Why do states facing high levels of international threat sometimes have militaries that are heavily involved in politics and at other times relatively apolitical, professional militaries? I argue that the answer to this puzzle lies in a state's history of 'acute' international crises rather than its 'chronic' threat environment. Major international crises lead to professionalization and de-politicization of militaries in both the short- and long-term. International crises underscore the need for the military to defend the state and highlight military deficiencies in this regard. Accordingly, major international crises lead to military professionalization and withdrawal from politics in order to increase military effectiveness. This effect persists years, and decades, later due to generational shifts in the officer corps. As the "Crisis Generation" of officers become generals, they bring with them a preference for professionalization and de-politicization. They guide the military towards abstention from politics. I test this theory using a new global dataset on military officers in national governing bodies from 1964-2008 and find strong support for the theory. Major international crises lead to two waves of military withdrawal from government, years apart. Further statistical analysis finds that this effect is most strongly felt in the non-security areas of governing, while in some cases, international crises may lead to militaries increasing their involvement in security policy-making. Further, international crises that end poorly for a state — i.e., defeats or stalemates — are found to drive more rapid waves of military withdrawal from government. The statistical analysis is supported by a case illustration of civil-military relations in the People's Republic of China, which demonstrates that the crisis of the Korean War (1950-53) led to two waves of military professionalization and de-politicization, decades apart. The first occurred immediately after the war. The second wave, occurring in the 1980s, involved wholesale military withdrawal from governing bodies, which was made possible by the ascent of the "Crisis Generation" of officers in the military, who had served as junior officers in the Korean War, decades prior.

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Esta investigación se centra en analizar la danza del vientre como una práctica sociocultural que transforma las subjetividades de sus practicantes, en el caso particular de las mujeres integrantes de la academia Anasi de Bogotá. Basada en la autoetnografía y a partir de experiencias individuales y colectivas de las mujeres integrantes del lugar, la danza es presentada como un proceso que conduce al empoderamiento femenino individual y colectivo. Esto sucede en el marco de una sociedad patriarcal, donde los cuerpos femeninos están cargados de connotaciones y limitaciones. Además de que el estilo dancístico ha sido dotado histórica y socialmente de prejuicios y nociones sexistas y machistas en torno a él y a sus bailarinas.

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Tras conocer cuatro años de debate (dentro y fuera de La Habana), los borradores de dos puntos de la agenda y presenciar el crecimiento de bandas criminales y/u organizaciones sucesoras del paramilitarismo, de la mano de la expansión de economías ilegales y una polarización creciente (y preocupante por sus características) en torno a la paz y el conflicto social/armado en el país, el presente trabajo pretende analizar a profundidad el carácter y alcance de los discursos emitidos por los negociadores en La Habana.

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Tradicionalmente, la consolidación de la seguridad energética en Estados Unidos se ha mostrado como un asunto de seguridad nacional. En especial, la escasez de recursos energéticos ha sido vista como un problema existencial que requiere de medidas de emergencia en el marco de un proceso de securitización. Sin embargo, esta investigación surgiere que el tema ha sido mayoritariamente politizado a inicios del siglo XXI. Quizá este proceso de securitización tan solo fue implícitamente planteado con ocasión de la invasión a Irak en 2003, en la medida en que dicha intervención pudo haberse inspirado por la necesidad de derrocar a un régimen que había impedido el acceso estadounidense a recursos petroleros iraquíes. En este orden de ideas, la investigación analiza las políticas de seguridad energética de los gobiernos de George W. Bush y Barack H. Obama con el propósito de entender el grado en el que estas estuvieron vinculadas a sus respectivas agendas de seguridad nacional.