Don't sell social science short

The News of the Week article that reports on Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison (R-TX) questioning the need to fund social science research at the National Science Foundation is alarming and shortsighted ("Senate panel chair asks why NSF funds social sciences," 12 May, p. 829). Social science research is at the fundamental core of basic research and has much to contribute to the economic viability of the United States. Twenty years of direct and jointly funded social and ecosystem science research at Colorado State University's Natural Resource Ecology Laboratory has produced deep insights into environmental and societal impacts of political upheaval, land use, and climate change in parts of Africa, Asia, and the Americas. Beyond greatly advancing our understanding of the coupled human-environmental system, the partnership of social and ecosystem science has brought scientists and decision-makers together to begin to develop solutions to difficult problems.

Advanced Gen-1, 2 and 3 biofuels research in Australia - Fuelling advanced biofuels training for international scientists

Flinders University and Queensland University of Technology, biofuels research interests cover a broad range of activities. Both institutions are seeking to overcome the twin evils of "peak oil" (Hubbert 1949 & 1956) and "global warming" (IPPC 2007, Stern 2006, Alison 2010), through development of Generation 1, 2 and 3 (Gen-1, 2 & 3) biofuels (Clarke 2008, Clarke 2010). This includes development of parallel Chemical Biorefinery, value-added, co-product chemical technologies, which can underpin the commercial viability of the biofuel industry. Whilst there is a focused effort to develop Gen-2 & 3 biofuels, thus avoiding the socially unacceptable use of food based Gen-1 biofuels, it must also be recognized that as yet, no country in the world has produced sustainable Gen-2 & 3 biofuel on a commercial basis. For example, in 2008 the United States used 38 billion litres (3.5% of total fuel use) of Gen-1 biofuel; in 2009/2010 this will be 47.5 billion litres (4.5% of fuel use) and in 2018 this has been estimated to rise to 96 billion litres (9% of total US fuel use). Brazil in 2008 produced 24.5 billion litres of ethanol, representing 37.3% of the world’s ethanol use for fuel and Europe, in 2008, produced 11.7 billion litres of biofuel (primarily as biodiesel). Compare this to Australia’s miserly biofuel production in 2008/2009 of 180 million litres of ethanol and 75 million litres of biodiesel, which is 0.4% of our fuel consumption! (Clarke, Graiver and Habibie 2010) To assist in the development of better biofuels technologies in the Asian developing regions the Australian Government recently awarded the Materials & BioEnergy Group from Flinders University, in partnership with the Queensland University of Technology, an Australian Leadership Award (ALA) Biofuel Fellowship program to train scientists from Indonesia and India about all facets of advanced biofuel technology.

Political theory and theoretical physics

This paper argues, somewhat along a Simmelian line, that political theory may produce practical and universal theories like those developed in theoretical physics. The reasoning behind this paper is to show that the theory of ‘basic democracy’ may be true by way of comparing it to Einstein’s Special Relativity – specifically concerning the parameters of symmetry, unification, simplicity, and utility. These parameters are what make a theory in physics as meeting them not only fits with current knowledge, but also produces paths towards testing (application). As the theory of ‘basic democracy’ may meet these same parameters, it could settle the debate concerning the definition of democracy. This will be argued firstly by discussing what the theory of ‘basic democracy’ is and why it differs from previous work; secondly by explaining the parameters chosen (as in why these and not others confirm or scuttle theories); and thirdly by comparing how Special Relativity and the theory of ‘basic democracy’ may match the parameters.

Not yet the Internet election : online media, political commentary and the 2007 Australian federal election

This paper undertakes an overview of two developments in online media that coincided with the 'year-long campaign' that was the 2007 Australian Federal election. It discusses the relatively successful use of the Internet and social media in the 'Kevin07' Australian Labor Party campaign, and contrasts this to the Liberal-National Party's faltering use of You Tube for policy announcements. It also notes the struggle for authority in interpreting polling data between the mainstream media and various online commentators, and the 'July 12 incident' at The Australian, where it engaged in strong denunciation of alleged biases and prejudices among bloggers and on political Web sites. It concludes with consideration of some wider implication for political communication and the politics-media relationship, and whether we are seeing trends towards dispersal and diversification characterising the 'third age' of political communication.

Gender and political leadership : moving beyond stereotypes

This short paper suggests that the categories of ‘transformational’ and ‘transactional’ leadership styles ( see Burns 1972) may provide analytical purchase on the question of whether current women leaders have radically different styles and approaches to the earlier second wave feminist generation. The two cases chosen for this paper are the senior women in the Labor and Liberal Parties – Julia Gillard and Julie Bishop. The evidence – explored below – indicates there are strong transactional qualities to both women leaders.

The social media (r)evolution : Obama's political campaign

This paper addresses how social media was used to leverage votes in new media environments. Barack Obama’s social media campaign is analysed and illustrates how the Obama brand benefited from integrating social media into the campaign. Voting behaviour has changed; politicians are continually seeking new ways to communicate with their constituents. Voting on political ‘brands’ is based on an identity or image, rather than central issues. While political parties rely upon an integrated marketing communication (IMC) approach, with a focus on building the (political) brand of the party and brand relationships, communication is no longer fully controlled by the marketers.

If Kate voted conservative would you? The role of celebrity endorsements in political party advertising

Purpose – This research has been conducted with the aim of determining if celebrity endorsers in political party advertising have a significant impact on UK voter intentions. The use of celebrity endorsements is commonplace in the USA, but little is known about its effects in the UK. This research also aims to incorporate the use of celebrity endorsements in political party advertising with the political salience construct. Political salience represents how prominent politics and political issues are in the minds of the eligible voter. Design/methodology/approach – A 2 (endorser: celebrity; non-celebrity) £ 2 (political salience: high; low) between-subjects factorial design experiment was used. The results show that celebrity endorsements do play a significant role in attitudes towards the political advert, attitudes towards the endorser and voter intention. However, this effect is significantly moderated by political salience. Findings – The results show that low political salience respondents were significantly more likely to vote for the political party when a celebrity endorser is used. However, the inverse effect is found for high political salience respondents. Practical implications – The results offer significant insights into the effect that celebrity endorsers could have in future elections and the importance that political salience plays in the effectiveness of celebrity endorsement. If political parties are to target those citizens that do not actively engage with politics then the use of celebrity endorsements would make a significant impact, given the results of this research. Originality/value – This research would be of particular interest to political party campaigners as well as academics studying the effects of advertising and identity salience.

Minority activism : trends informing political participation across Australian communities

In the late 1990’s, intense and vigorous debate surrounded the impact of minority communities on Australia’s mainstream society. The rise of far-right populism took the stage with the introduction to the political landscape of Pauline Hanson and her One Nation party, whilst John Howard’s Liberal-National Coalition Government took the fore on debate over immigration issues corresponding with an influx of irregular arrivals. In 2001, following the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States of America and subsequent attacks on western targets globally, many of these issues continued to be debated through the security posturing that followed. In recent years, much effort has been afforded to countering the threat of terrorism from home grown assailants. The Government has introduced stringent legislative responses whilst researchers have studied social movements and trends within Australian communities, particularly with respect to minorities. In 2008, the Scanlon Foundation, in association with Monash University and various government entities, released its findings into its survey approach to mapping social cohesion in Australia. It identified a number of spheres of exploration which it believed were essential to measuring cohesiveness of Australian communities generally including, economic, political and socio-cultural factors (Markus and Dharmalingam, 2008). This doctoral project report will explore the political sphere as identified in the Mapping Social Cohesion project and apply it to identified minority ethnic communities. The Scanlon Foundation project identified political participation as one of a number of true indicators of social cohesion. This project acknowledges that democracy in Australia is represented predominantly by two political entities representing a vast majority of constituents under a compulsory voting regime. This essay will identify the levels of political activism achieved by minority ethnic communities and access to democratic participation within the Australian political structure. It will define a ten year period from 1999 to 2009, identifying trends and issues within minority communities that have proactively and reactively promoted engagement in achieving a political voice, framed within a mainstream-dominated political system. It will research social movements and other influential factors over that period to enrich existing knowledge in relation to political participation rates across Australian communities.

Mesenchymal stem cells

Cell based therapies as they apply to tissue engineering and regenerative medicine, require cells capable of self renewal and differentiation, and a prerequisite is to be able to prepare an effective dose of ex vivo expanded cells for autologous transplants. The in vivo identification of a source of physiologically relevant cell types suitable for cell therapies therefore figures as an integral part of tissue engineering. Stem cells serve as a reserve for biological repair, having the potential to differentiate into a number of specialised cell types within the body; they therefore represent the most useful candidates for cell based therapies. The primary goal of stem cell research is to produce cells that are both patient specific, as well as having properties suitable for the specific conditions for which they are intended to remedy. From a purely scientific perspective, stem cells allow scientists to gain a deeper understanding of developmental biology and regenerative therapies. Stem cells have acquired a number of uses for applications in regenerative medicine, immunotherapy, gene therapy, but it is in the area of tissue engineering that they generate most excitement, primarily as a result of their capacity for self-renewal and pluripotency. A unique feature of stem cells is their ability to maintain an uncommitted quiescent state in vivo and then, once triggered by conditions such as disease, injury or natural wear or tear, serve as a reservoir and natural support system to replenish lost cells. Although these cells retain the plasticity to differentiate into various tissues, being able to control this differentiation process is still one of the biggest challenges facing stem cell research. In an effort to harness the potential of these cells a number of studies have been conducted using both embryonic/foetal and adult stem cells. The use of embryonic stem cells (ESC) have been hampered by strong ethical and political concerns, this despite their perceived versatility due to their pluripotency. Ethical issues aside, other concerns raised with ESCs relates to the possibility of tumorigenesis, immune rejection and complications with immunosuppressive therapies, all of which adds layers of complications to the application ESC in research and which has led to the search for alternative sources for stem cells. The adult tissues in higher organisms harbours cells, termed adult stem cells, and these cells are reminiscent of unprogrammed stem cells. A number of sources of adult stem cells have been described. Bone marrow is by far the most accessible source of two potent populations of adult stem cells, namely haematopoietic stem cells (HSCs) and bone marrow mesenchymal stem cells (BMSCs). Autologously harvested adult stem cells can, in contrast to embryonic stem cells, readily be used in autografts, since immune rejection is not an issue; and their use in scientific research has not attracted the ethical concerns which have been the case with embryonic stem cells. The major limitation to their use, however, is the fact that adult stem cells are exceedingly rare in most tissues. This fact makes identifying and isolating these cells problematic; bone marrow being perhaps the only notable exception. Unlike the case of HSCs, there are as yet no rigorous criteria for characterizing MSCs. Changing acuity about the pluripotency of MSCs in recent studies has expanded their potential application; however, the underlying molecular pathways which impart the features distinctive to MSCs remain elusive. Furthermore, the sparse in vivo distribution of these cells imposes a clear limitation to their study in vitro. Also, when MSCs are cultured in vitro, there is a loss of the in vivo microenvironment, resulting in a progressive decline in proliferation potential and multipotentiality. This is further exacerbated with increased passage numbers in culture, characterized by the onset of senescence related changes. As a consequence, it is necessary to establish protocols for generating large numbers of MSCs but without affecting their differentiation potential. MSCs are capable of differentiating into mesenchymal tissue lineages, including bone, cartilage, fat, tendon, muscle, and marrow stroma. Recent findings indicate that adult bone marrow may also contain cells that can differentiate into the mature, nonhematopoietic cells of a number of tissues, including cells of the liver, kidney, lung, skin, gastrointestinal tract, and myocytes of heart and skeletal muscle. MSCs can readily be expanded in vitro and can be genetically modified by viral vectors and be induced to differentiate into specific cell lineages by changing the microenvironment–properties which makes these cells ideal vehicles for cellular gene therapy. MSCs can also exert profound immunosuppressive effects via modulation of both cellular and innate immune pathways, and this property allows them to overcome the issue of immune rejection. Despite the many attractive features associated with MSCs, there are still many hurdles to overcome before these cells are readily available for use in clinical applications. The main concern relates to in vivo characterization and identification of MSCs. The lack of a universal biomarker, sparse in vivo distribution, and a steady age related decline in their numbers, makes it an obvious need to decipher the reprogramming pathways and critical molecular players which govern the characteristics unique to MSCs. This book presents a comprehensive insight into the biology of adult stem cells and their utility in current regeneration therapies. The adult stem cell populations reviewed in this book include bone marrow derived MSCs, adipose derived stem cells (ASCs), umbilical cord blood stem cells, and placental stem cells. The features such as MSC circulation and trafficking, neuroprotective properties, and the nurturing roles and differentiation potential of multiple lineages have been discussed in details. In terms of therapeutic applications, the strengths of MSCs have been presented and their roles in disease treatments such as osteoarthritis, Huntington’s disease, periodontal regeneration, and pancreatic islet transplantation have been discussed. An analysis comparing osteoblast differentiation of umbilical cord blood stem cells and MSCs has been reviewed, as has a comparison of human placental stem cells and ASCs, in terms of isolation, identification and therapeutic applications of ASC in bone, cartilage regeneration, as well as myocardial regeneration. It is my sincere hope that this book will update the reader as to the research progress of MSC biology and potential use of these cells in clinical applications. It will be the best reward to all contributors of this book, if their efforts herein may in some way help the readers in any part of their study, research, and career development.

Does institutional location protect from political influence? the case of a minimum labour standards enforcement agency in Australia

Among the many factors that influence enforcement agencies, this article examines the role of the institutional location (and independence) of agencies, and an incumbent government's ideology. It is argued that institutional location affects the level of political influence on the agency's operations, while government ideology affects its willingness to resource enforcement agencies and approve regulatory activities. Evidence from the agency regulating minimum labour standards in the Australian federal industrial relations jurisdiction (currently the Fair Work Ombudsman) highlights two divergences from the regulatory enforcement literature generally. First, notions of independence from political interference offered by institutional location are more illusory than real and, second, political need motivates political action to a greater extent than political ideology.