A teoria, a prática, o professor e a educação ambiental: algumas reflexões

The acceleration of economic and scientific development caused by the production system and mechanistic science, have created new power structures and new political and social problems, including environmental ones, consolidating a period of widespread crisis in different spheres of society. In this context, reflection about the major causes of environmental problems is necessary in the field of environmental education. Therefore, considering that the current environmental crisis is directly related to the mode and the devices of production of the capitalist system, initiatives on environmental education should reflect, from a historical and dialectical process, on what is advocated by capitalist society. Considering the various theoretical-practical concepts and approaches in environmental education, the principles of Critical Environmental Education can provide conditions to confront the structural crisis that we are facing, through the educational process. It is a political process of reflection and critical appropriation of knowledge, attitudes, values and behaviors that aims to contribute to build a sustainable society from the social and environmental points of view. We intend to articulate it through the theoretical formulations of Historical-Critical Pedagogy with the purpose of presenting a reflection that may contribute to a pedagogic response to environmental issues, especially regarding the formation of teachers who develop projects in schools. Thus, this present study intends to highlight the contributions of the philosophy of praxis in the formation of environmental educators, grounded in theoretical aspects of Critical Environmental Education.

Categorias retórico-poéticas e produção de embates n'o desertor, de Manuel Inácio da Silva Alvarenga

Pós-graduação em Letras - FCLAS

Matrix Support in Mental Health: Achievements and Limits in Primary Health Care

Changes in mental health care in the city of Fortaleza (Northeastern Brazil) have a recent historical and political process. Compared to other municipalities of the State of Ceara, which in the early 1990s were already pioneers in the process, Fortaleza has not implemented the changes due to the interests of psychiatric hospitals, of psychiatric outpatient clinics of the public network, and because of the difficulty in managing the new mental health devices and equipment present in Primary Care. In the municipality, the reorganization of mental health actions and services has required that the Primary Care Network faces the challenge of assisting mental health problems with the implementation of Matrix Support. In light of this context, we aimed to evaluate Matrix Support in mental health in Primary Care Units and to identify achievements and limitations in the Primary Care Units with Matrix Support. This study used a qualitative approach and was carried out by means of a case study. We interviewed twelve professionals from the Family Health Teams of four Units with implemented Matrix Support. The analysis of the information reveals that access, decision making, participation and the challenges of implementing Matrix Support are elements that are, in a dialectic way, weak and strong in the reorganization of services and practices. The presence of Matrix Support in Primary Care highlights the proposal of dealing with mental health within the network in the municipality. The process has not ended. Mobilization, awareness-raising and qualification of Primary Care have to be enhanced constantly, but implementation has enabled, to the service and professionals, greater acceptance of mental health in Primary Care.

Materno-infantilism, feminism and maternal health policy in Brazil

In the last days of 2011, President of Brazil Dilma Rousseff issued a provisional measure (or draft law) entitled "National Surveillance and Monitoring Registration System for the Prevention of Maternal Mortality" (MP 557), as part of a new maternal health programme. It was supposed to address the pressing issue of maternal morbidity and mortality in Brazil, but instead it caused an explosive controversy because it used terms such as nascituro (unborn child) and proposed the compulsory registration of every pregnancy. After intense protests by feminist and human rights groups that this law was unconstitutional, violated women's right to privacy and threatened our already limited reproductive rights, the measure was revised in January 2012, omitting "the unborn child" but not the mandatory registration of pregnancy. Unfortunately, neither version of the draft law addresses the two main problems with maternal health in Brazil: the over-medicalisation of childbirth and its adverse effects, and the need for safe, legal abortion. The content of this measure itself reflects the conflictive nature of public policies on reproductive health in Brazil and how they are shaped by close links between different levels of government and political parties, and religious and professional sectors. (C) 2012 Reproductive Health Matters

La "barbarie glorieuse" pendant la Renaissance européenne

The thesis deals with the notion of "barbarian/barbarism" from Greek and Roman antiquity to the European Renaissance history and theatre. From a methodological point of view, though the notion of "barbarian" is analysed from an interdisciplinary perspective, the hermeneutic approach of the history of ideas and New Historicism are privileged. The main idea of the thesis is that during the XVIth century in Europe the interpretation of barbarism as a historical and cultural event has shifted from a negative position to a more positive one. The idea of “glorious barbarism” tries to explain such a change in European thought. The thesis is divided into four chapters. In the first chapter the notion of barbarism is analysed from Greek and Roman antiquity to the Renaissance. The second chapter deals with the development of cartography during the XVIth century in Europe and its relation to the redefinition of Europe’s borders. This chapter also deals with the study of some European political treatises developing a reflection on the barbaric past of Europe. The third chapter deals with the analysis of European XVIth century theatre and its relation to the representation of barbarism, with particular attention to Italian, English and Spanish plays staging a conflict between civilization and barbarism. Finally, the forth chapter deals with the analysis of the myth of Amazons during the XVIth century both in the arts and in literature. The Amazons are interpreted as the female translation of the figure of the barbarian. This cultural, artistic and political process emerges particularly in representation of female characters in European XVIth century theatre.

The Tea Party and Social Movements

The recent rise of the Tea Party movement has added a new dimension to our discussion of domestic politics. The main question is: what effect will the Tea Party have on the political landscape? The best way to answer this question is to place the Tea Party in historical and theoretical context, in order to discuss what type of social movement the Tea Party is and what impact it might have. To this end, I will define and discuss the two major literatures in socialmovement theory: Issue Evolution and Political Process theory. This theoretical framework will provide the basis for a more concrete definition of the Tea Party movement itself. I will attemptto define the Tea Party movement based on its demographics, goals and political successes and will discuss it within the context of this theoretical framework. In addition, I will discuss four landmark social movements within our country’s history through the lens of the theoretical framework. I have found that successful movements rely on a combination of internal organizations and networks and external political opportunities to achieve and maintain nationalrelevance. In the end, I will come to the conclusion that the Tea Party will not likely have a major lasting impact on the political arena. It lacks key parts of the internal structure that makes some movements, such as the Civil Rights movement, so influential. But in the short term it will succeed in pushing the Republican Party towards a more fiscally conservative position.

The Constitutional-Judicial Control of the Legislative and Executive Powers in Central and Eastern European Countries

This project looked at the nature, contents, methods, means and legal and political effects of the influence that constitutional courts exercise upon the legislative and executive powers in the newly established democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. The basic hypothesis was that these courts work to provide a limitation of political power within the framework of the principal constitutional values and that they force the legislature and executive to exercise their powers and duties in strict accordance with the constitution. Following a study of the documentary sources, including primarily the relevant constitutional and statutory provisions and decisions of constitutional courts, Mr. Cvetkovski prepared a questionnaire on various aspects of the topics researched and sent it to the respective constitutional courts. A series of direct interviews with court officials in six of the ten countries then served to clarify a large number of questions relating to differences in procedures etc. that arose from the questionnaires. As a final stage, the findings were compared with those described in recent publications on constitutional control in general and in Central and Eastern Europe in particular. The study began by considering the constitutional and political environment of the constitutional courts' activities in controlling legislative and executive powers, which in all countries studied are based on the principles of the rule of law and the separation of powers. All courts are separate bodies with special status in terms of constitutional law and are independent of other political and judicial institutions. The range of matters within their jurisdiction is set by the constitution of the country in question but in all cases can be exercised only with the framework of procedural rules. This gives considerable significance to the question of who sets these rules and different countries have dealt with it in different ways. In some there is a special constitutional law with the same legal force as the constitution itself (Croatia), the majority of countries allow for regulation by an ordinary law, Macedonia gives the court the autonomy to create and change its own rules of procedure, while in Hungary the parliament fixes the rules on procedure at the suggestion of the constitutional court. The question of the appointment of constitutional judges was also considered and of the mechanisms for ensuring their impartiality and immunity. In the area of the courts' scope for providing normative control, considerable differences were found between the different countries. In some cases the courts' jurisdiction is limited to the normative acts of the respective parliaments, and there is generally no provision for challenging unconstitutional omissions by legislation and the executive. There are, however, some situations in which they may indirectly evaluate the constitutionality of legislative omissions, as when the constitution contains provision for a time limit on enacting legislation, when the parliament has made an omission in drafting a law which violates the constitutional provisions, or when a law grants favours to certain groups while excluding others, thereby violating the equal protection clause of the constitution. The control of constitutionality of normative acts can be either preventive or repressive, depending on whether it is implemented before or after the promulgation of the law or other enactment being challenged. In most countries in the region the constitutional courts provide only repressive control, although in Hungary and Poland the courts are competent to perform both preventive and repressive norm control, while in Romania the court's jurisdiction is limited to preventive norm control. Most countries are wary of vesting constitutional courts with preventive norm control because of the danger of their becoming too involved in the day-to-day political debate, but Mr. Cvetkovski points out certain advantages of such control. If combined with a short time limit it can provide early clarification of a constitutional issue, secondly it avoids the problems arising if a law that has been in force for some years is declared to be unconstitutional, and thirdly it may help preserve the prestige of the legislation. Its disadvantages include the difficulty of ascertaining the actual and potential consequences of a norm without the empirical experience of the administration and enforcement of the law, the desirability of a certain distance from the day-to-day arguments surrounding the political process of legislation, the possible effects of changing social and economic conditions, and the danger of placing obstacles in the way of rapid reactions to acute situations. In the case of repressive norm control, this can be either abstract or concrete. The former is initiated by the supreme state organs in order to protect abstract constitutional order and the latter is initiated by ordinary courts, administrative authorities or by individuals. Constitutional courts cannot directly oblige the legislature and executive to pass a new law and this remains a matter of legislative and executive political responsibility. In the case of Poland, the parliament even has the power to dismiss a constitutional court decision by a special majority of votes, which means that the last word lies with the legislature. As the current constitutions of Central and Eastern European countries are newly adopted and differ significantly from the previous ones, the courts' interpretative functions should ensure a degree of unification in the application of the constitution. Some countries (Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Russia) provide for the constitutional courts' decisions to have a binding role on the constitutions. While their decisions inevitably have an influence on the actions of public bodies, they do not set criteria for political behaviour, which depends rather on the overall political culture and traditions of the society. All constitutions except that of Belarus, provide for the courts to have jurisdiction over conflicts arising from the distribution of responsibilities between different organs and levels in the country, as well for impeachment procedures against the head of state, and for determining the constitutionality of political parties (except in Belarus, Hungary, Russia and Slovakia). All the constitutions studied guarantee individual rights and freedoms and most courts have jurisdiction over complaints of violation of these rights by the constitution. All courts also have some jurisdiction over international agreements and treaties, either directly (Belarus, Bulgaria and Hungary) before the treaty is ratified, or indirectly (Croatia, Czech Republic, Macedonia, Romania, Russia and Yugoslavia). In each country the question of who may initiate proceedings of norm control is of central importance and is usually regulated by the constitution itself. There are three main possibilities: statutory organs, normal courts and private individuals and the limitations on each of these is discussed in the report. Most courts are limited in their rights to institute ex officio a full-scale review of a point of law, and such rights as they do have rarely been used. In most countries courts' decisions do not have any binding force but must be approved by parliament or impose on parliament the obligation to bring the relevant law into conformity within a certain period. As a result, the courts' position is generally weaker than in other countries in Europe, with parliament remaining the supreme body. In the case of preventive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality may act to suspend the law and or to refer it back to the legislature, where in countries such as Romania it may even be overturned by a two-thirds majority. In repressive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality generally serves to take the relevant law out of legal force from the day of publication of the decision or from another date fixed by the court. If the law is annulled retrospectively this may or may not bring decisions of criminal courts under review, depending on the provisions laid down in the relevant constitution. In cases relating to conflicts of competencies the courts' decisions tend to be declaratory and so have a binding effect inter partes. In the case of a review of an individual act, decisions generally become effective primarily inter partes but is the individual act has been based on an unconstitutional generally binding normative act of the legislature or executive, the findings has quasi-legal effect as it automatically initiates special proceedings in which the law or other regulation is to be annulled or abrogated with effect erga omnes. This wards off further application of the law and thus further violations of individual constitutional rights, but also discourages further constitutional complaints against the same law. Thus the success of one individual's complaint extends to everyone else whose rights have equally been or might have been violated by the respective law. As the body whose act is repealed is obliged to adopt another act and in doing so is bound by the legal position of the constitutional court on the violation of constitutionally guaranteed freedoms and rights of the complainant, in this situation the decision of the constitutional court has the force of a precedent.

Direct Democracy: Protest Catalyst or Protest Alternative?

This paper presents the first investigation of whether direct democracy supplements or undermines the attendance of demonstrations as a form of protest behavior. A first approach assumes that direct democracy is associated with fewer protests, as they function as a valve that integrates voters’ opinions, preferences, and emotions into the political process. A competing hypothesis proposes a positive relationship between direct democracy and this unconventional form of political participation due to educative effects. Drawing on individual data from recent Swiss Electoral Studies, we apply multilevel analysis and estimate a hierarchical model of the effect of the presence as well as the use of direct democratic institutions on individual protest behavior. Our empirical findings suggest that the political opportunity of direct democracy is associated with a lower individual probability to attend demonstrations.

On the road through the Bolivian Amazon: a multi-level land governance analysis of deforestation

Previous studies have shown that collective property rights offer higher flexibility than individual property and improve sustainable community-based forest management. Our case study, carried out in the Beni department of Bolivia, does not contradict this assertion, but shows that collective rights have been granted in areas where ecological contexts and market facilities were less favourable to intensive land use. Previous experiences suggest investigating political processes in order to understand the criteria according to which access rights were distributed. Based on remote sensing and on a multi-level land governance framework, our research confirms that land placed under collective rights, compared to individual property, is less affected by deforestation among Andean settlements. However, analysis of the historical process of land distribution in the area shows that the distribution of property rights is the result of a political process based on economic, spatial, and environmental strategies that are defined by multiple stakeholders. Collective titles were established in the more remote areas and distributed to communities with lower productive potentialities. Land rights are thus a secondary factor of forest cover change which results from diverse political compromises based on population distribution, accessibility, environmental perceptions, and expected production or extraction incomes.

European Public Sphere

Political communication scholars have investigated whether a public sphere emerges that adapts to the new supra- and intergovernmental European reality in the course of European Union integration. Such European public sphere(s) might link EU politics to citizens. The entry discusses not only how such Europeanized public sphere might affect the quality of democracy as well as the political process but also what a European public sphere could look like and how we might measure it. Our empirical knowledge on the existence or nonexistence of a European Public Sphere is summarized in five theses. The article concludes with future paths for research.

Assessing the need and options available for trauma physician funding in Texas

Efforts have been made to provide supplemental funding to emergency departments to offset the costs of uncompensated medical care. But a problem exists within the trauma system in Texas that has largely been overlooked by the state. This project will focus on the lack of funding available to physicians and on-call specialists who contract with hospitals to provide emergency care. ^ A lack of funding and reimbursement for emergency care is directly influencing the number of medical specialists willing to provide emergency treatment in hospitals on a contractual basis. A shortage of emergency physicians has an impact on the public health of all Texans who may need trauma care in a hospital. Specifically, a shortage of emergency physicians can lead to a complete denial of specialty emergency health care, a delay in patient treatment, and increased ambulance diversions. Quality and access barriers to emergency services undoubtedly threaten the stability of the trauma care system in Texas and the health status of its citizens. ^ In 2003, Texas took a significant step towards addressing the issue of uncompensated care provided by the trauma system and passed House Bill 3588, creating the Trauma Facilities and Emergency Medical Services Fund (“the Trauma Fund”). However, the primary shortfall to this legislation is that the Trauma Fund is only available to emergency medical service providers and hospitals. The Trauma Fund does little to help offset the cost incurred by contracting physicians and on-call specialists who provide emergency services to the uninsured. ^ This paper addresses how funding shortages for emergency department physicians negatively impact the trauma care system in Texas and the policy options available to create physician funding to offset the cost of uncompensated trauma care. Ultimately this paper concludes that although creating a new funding stream similar to the actions taken in other states would be a dramatic step towards addressing the problem, the political process in Texas may slow implementation of this option. Consequently, modifying existing legislation, although the weaker of the options, may be more attractive to those looking for immediate action. ^

Rupturas político-ideológicas en la revista Martín Fierro 1924-1927

La revista Martín Fierro (segunda época), fundada en 1924 por Evar Méndez resultó ser uno de los más importantes hitos culturales de la primera mitad del siglo XX. Una nueva lectura de Martín Fierro, además de corroborar la hipótesis anterior, permite encontrar significativas relaciones entre la revista y el proceso social y político que se desarrolla en el país, como también destacados paralelismos entre los campos literario, periodístico y político.

Territorio e Identidad en los movimientos de desocupados en Argentina, el caso de la CTD-Aníbal Verón

Nos proponemos, a través del análisis empírico del caso CTD Aníbal Verón, análisis de sus prácticas y discursos, aportar comprensión a la compleja relación identidad-política-territorio. Nos concentraremos en la delimitación de las nociones de territorialidad e identidad política como dimensiones fundamentales. La CTD-AV sintetiza componentes reivindicativos y políticos en sus prácticas y relaciones, y consideramos que el territorio es un componente fundamental que configura la identidad colectiva e introduce en ésta la idea de lo político puesto que se define en un proceso de conflicto y disputa que abre el espacio del antagonismo. En diferentes experiencias-localizaciones de la CTD se desarrollan procesos de politización asociados a diferentes concepciones de territorio que analizamos para comprender su alcance y significado.

Una articulación de arte y política : Dislocaciones y rupturas en la poética de Edgardo Antonio Vigo (1968-1975)

Esta tesis, que integra los estudios de la Sociología del Arte, se centra en la vinculación de la poética del artista Edgardo Antonio Vigo (1928 - 1997) con la política y lo político, así como con los procesos sociales más generales entre 1968 y 1975. Vigo ocupó una posición emergente en el desarrollo del arte platense y desplegó producciones que emprendieron una poética rupturista con lo establecido por algunos de los cánones tradicionales del arte y sus instituciones, y elaboró propuestas estéticas innovadoras que abarcaban las artes visuales en sus diversas formas. Se analizan en esta tesis los modos por los que Vigo al mismo tiempo que apunta a cuestionar las estructuras y manifestaciones de las Bellas Artes, lo hace con las formas dominantes de la cultura a través de obras y textos que tendían a desestabilizar los roles de autor, espectador y obra, así como a involucrarse de distintos modos en los acontecimientos políticos de la época. Se estudian, además, las producción de acciones artísticas en el espacio público, que Vigo llamó señalamientos, la utilización y apropiación del discurso y aspectos materiales de lo judicial-administrativo y la edición de la revista ensamblada Hexágono '71 (1971 -1975). En estas zonas de la poética de Vigo se consideran las diversas relaciones entre arte y política, las cuales no han sido lineales ni unidireccionales, sino modos de distorsionar y disentir con las jerarquías, lugares y funciones de los sujetos y objetos del entramado social. Para la realización de la tesis se produjo un diseño metodológico cualitativo, se utilizaron fuentes documentales y entrevistas. Se desarrolla un análisis de las obras del artista, más que remitiéndolas a una corriente artística particular, haciendo foco en su relación con la situación social y política, especialmente en sus vinculaciones con el particular proceso de subjetivación política de la época. Se procuró para ello realizar una investigación que se detenga de manera pormenorizada en el trabajo artístico y sus particularidades (materiales, técnicas, formas, estrategias de intervención), así como en sus discursos escritos, plasmados en ensayos, artículos y otros textos, para avanzar desde allí hacia un análisis interpretativo y comprensivo de las conexiones y de los efectos que perseguía tal trabajo con los procesos políticos. Se presentan en los Anexos matrices de datos de los señalamientos y de Hexágono '71, así como un índice razonado de la misma

Del "antilatifundismo sociológico" al revisionismo historiográfico. La ganadería en la historiografía sobre región Caribe colombiana

El objetivo del presente artículo es pasar revista a las diversas interpretaciones sobre el significado histórico de la ganadería en la región Caribe colombiana. Para ello, se estudia el proceso intelectual y político que llevó a formar un cuerpo de opiniones llamado por Luís E. Nieto Arteta "antilatifundismo sociológico", como también los desafíos planteados a esta tradición por las recientes investigaciones sobre el tema. En el marco de esa discusión se proponen ciertos puntos de vistas en torno a las relaciones y los conflictos escenificados entre la expansión ganadera y ciertas formas de propiedad corporativa de la tierra, como eran los terrenos de los resguardos de los indígenas y los ejidos o tierras comunales de las poblaciones