Italia: La chiusura della Casa dell’Emigrante come spunto riflessione sui rientri degli emigrati italiani

In the literature on migration, as well as in social policies regarding this phenomenon, the situation of returning emigrants receives scant attention. This essay establishes an intricate connection between attitudes and policies that prevail in a country regarding emigration and those concerning immigration. The case of Italy provides a prime example for this as it once was a classical country of emigration, only to turn, in recent decades, into a country that appears highly attractive (and relatively accessible) to immigrants. The essay traces the pervasive ambiguity that characterizes this country’s attitudes towards emigration from the beginning of mass emigration shortly after the unification of Italy in 1868 to the emigration policies of the fascist regime of Mussolini and the post-World War II waves of emigration right through to the corresponding ambiguity concerning the status of immigrants in contemporary society, including the indifferent treatment of returning Italian emigrants who constitute a considerable numerical phenomenon. These reflections take their origin from the impending closure of a reception centre in Lazio, the Casa dell’Emigrante near Sant’Elia Fiumerapido, Province of Frosinone, ostensibly for financial reasons. This centre had been the only one of its kind in the whole of Italy dealing officially with the needs of repatriated Italians. It had assisted returning emigrants both with practical matters, such as negotiating the labyrinth of Italian bureaucracy , and with psychological implications of a return, which are often considerable given the time lag of experiences with current social realities and the frequently unrealistic expectations associated with the return. Questions of identity become highly acute in those circumstances. The threatened closure of the centre illustrates the unwillingness of the state to face up to the factual prevalence of migratory experiences in the country as a whole and as a core element of national history, experiences of migration in both directions. The statistics speak for themselves: of the 4.660.427 persons who left Italy between 1880 and 1950, 2.322.451 have returned, almost exactly 50%. To those have to be added 3.628.430 returnees of the 5.109.860 emigrants who left Italy between the end of World War II and 1976 for Europe alone. Attitudes towards people leaving changed ostensibly over time. In the first two decades after Unification parliament on the one hand wanted to show some concern over the fate of its citizens, not wanting to abandon those newly created citizens entirely to their own destiny, while on the other portraying their decisions to emigrate as expressions of individual liberty and responsibility and not necessitated by want and poverty. Emigrants had to prove, paradoxically that they had the requisite means to emigrate when in fact poverty was largely driving them to emigrate. To admit that publicly would have amounted to admission of economic and political failure made evident through emigration. In contrast to that Mussolini’s emigration policies not only enforced large population movements within the territory of Italy to balance unemployment between regions and particularly between North and South, but also declared it citizen’s duty to be ready to move also to the colonies, thereby ‘turning emigration as a sign of social crisis into a sign of national strength and the success of the country’s political agenda’ (Gaspari 2001, p. 34). The duplicity continued even after World War II when secret deals were done with the USA to allow a continuous flow of Italian immigrants and EU membership obviously further facilitated the departure of unemployed, impoverished Italians. With the growing prosperity of Italy the reversal of the direction of migration became more obvious. On the basis of empirical research conducted by one of the author on returning emigrants four types of motives for returning can be distinguished: 1. Return as a result of failure – particularly the emigrants who left during the 1950-1970 period usually had no linguistic preparation, and in any case the gap between the spoken and the written language is enormous with the latter often being insurmountable. This gives rise to nostalgic sentiments which motivates a return into an environment where language is familiar 2. Return as a means of preserving an identity – the life of emigrants often takes place within ghetto-like conditions where familiarity is being reproduced but under restricted conditions and hence not entirely authentic. The necessity for saving money permits only a partial entry into the host society and at the same time any accumulating savings add to the desire to return home where life can be lived fully again – or so it seems. 3. Return of investment – the impossibility to become fully part of another society often motivates migrants to accumulate not so much material wealth but new experiences and competences which they then aim to reinvest in their home country. 4. Return to retire – for many emigrants returning home becomes acute once they leave a productive occupation and feelings of estrangement build up, in conjunction with the efforts of having invested in building a house back home. All those motives are associated with a variety of difficulties on the actual return home because, above all, time in relation to the country of origin has been suspended for the emigrant and the encounter with the reality of that country reveals constant discrepancies and requires constant readjustment. This is where the need for assistance to returning emigrants arises. The fact that such an important centre of assistance has been closed is further confirmation of the still prevailing politics of ambiguity which nominally demand integration from nationals and non-nationals alike but deny the means of achieving this. Citizenship is not a natural result of nationality but requires the means for active participation in society. Furthermore, the experiences of returning immigrants provide important cues for the double ambivalence in which immigrants to Italy live between the demands made on them to integrate, the simultaneous threats of repatriation and the alienation from the immigrants’ home country which grows inexorably during the absence. The state can only regain its credibility by putting an end to this ambiguity and provide to returning emigrants, and immigrants alike, the means of reconstructing strong communal identities.

Das Thema „Energie“ in der wissenschaftlichen Zukunftsforschung

Der Umbau der durch den Einsatz fossiler Energieträger dominierten Energiesysteme steht weit oben auf der politischen Agenda. Angesichts des fortschreitenden Klimawandels, der Ressourcenverknappung und des ökonomischen Aufholens der Schwellen- und Entwicklungsländer wird diese Frage immer dringlicher. Zahlreiche politische, gesellschaftliche, ökonomische und ökologische Herausforderungen sind mit diesem Umbau verbunden. Angesichts der Langlebigkeit der heute gebauten Infrastrukturen ergibt sich hieraus ein zentrales Feld für die wissenschaftliche Zukunftsforschung. Der Einsatz von Energieszenarios ist über Jahre erprobt und trotz zahlreicher methodischer und inhaltlicher Unsicherheiten bei der Erarbeitung der Szenariostudien bleiben sie unersetzlich – sofern sie wissenschaftliche Standards hinsichtlich der Wertneutralität und Überprüfbarkeit erfüllen. Auch in der geographischen Forschung findet sich das Thema „Energie“ wieder verstärkt auf der Agenda. Bereits vor dem Hintergrund der Ölpreiskrisen in den 1970er-Jahren setzten sich Geographinnen und Geographen mit Energiethemen auseinander – angesichts des anstehenden Umbaus der Energiesysteme wird auch wieder die Frage aktuell, inwiefern sich die Transformation des Energiesystems und die Raumstruktur gegenseitig beeinflussen. Dabei werden nicht nur inhaltliche Fragen aufgeworfen, vielmehr ist auch zu klären, wie sich das Thema „Energie“ in die etablierten geographischen Forschungsdisziplinen von der Klimageographie über die Wirtschafts- und Bevölkerungsgeographie bis hin zur Siedlungsgeographie eingliedern lässt. Die Ausführungen im vorliegenden Artikel gehen noch einen Schritt weiter und werfen die Frage auf, inwiefern sich durch die Verbindung geographischer Forschung und Energiethemen auch ein neues methodisches Experimentierfeld auftut. Konkret wird aufgezeigt, dass die Geographie verstärkt den Blick in die Zukunft wagen und sich von der Analyse rezenter Strukturen lösen sollte. Die Frage der zukünftigen Raumstrukturen angesichts des Umbaus der Energiesysteme ist von zentraler Bedeutung, unter Anwendung von Methoden der wissenschaftlichen Zukunftsforschung muss die Geographie hier antworten liefern.

Europeanization in parliament and in the press

Europeanization challenges national democratic systems. As part and parcel of the broader internationalization of politics, Europeanization is associated with a shift from policymaking within majoritarian, elected representative bodies towards technocratic decisions among non-majoritarian and non-elected bodies (Kohler-Koch and Rittberger 2008, Lavenex 2013). It is thus said to weaken the influence of citizens and parliaments on the making of policies and to undermine democratic collective identity (Lavenex 2013, Schimmelfennig 2010). The weakening of national parliaments has been referred to as “de-parliamentarisation” (Goetz and Meyer-Sahling 2008) and has nurtured a broader debate regarding the democratic deficit in the EU. While not being a member of the EU, Switzerland has not remained unaffected by these changes. As discussed in the contribution by Fischer and Sciarini, state executive actors take the lead in Switzerland's European policy. They are responsible for the conduct of international negotiations, they own the treaty making power, and it is up to them to decide whether they wish to launch a negotiation with the EU. In addition, the strong take-it or leave-it character of Europeanized acts limits the room for manoeuver of the parliamentary body also in the ratification phase. Among the public, the rejection of the treaty on the European constitution has definitely closed the era of “permissive consensus” (Hooghe and Marks 2009). However, the process of European unification remains far remote from the European public. In Switzerland, the strongly administrative character of international legislation hinders public discussion (Vögeli 2007). In such a context, the media may serve as cue for the public: By delivering information about the extent and nature of Europeanized policymaking, the media enable citizens to form their own opinions and to hold their representatives accountable. In this sense media coverage may not only be considered an indicator of the information delivered to the public, but it may also enhance the democratic legitimacy of Europeanized policymaking (for a similar argument, see Tresch and Jochum 2005). While the previous contributions to this debate have examined the Europeanization of Swiss (primary and secondary) legislation, we take a closer look at two additional domestic arenas that are both supposed to be under pressure due to Europeanization: The parliament and the media. To that end, we rely on data gathered in a research project that two of us carried out in the context of the NCCR Democracy.1 While this project was primarily interested in the mediatization of decision-making processes in Switzerland, it also investigated the conditional role played by internationalization/Europeanization. For our present purposes, we shall exploit the two data-sets that were developed as part of a study of the political agenda-setting power of the media (Sciarini and Tresch 2012, 2013, Tresch et al. 2013): A data-set on issue attention in parliamentary interventions (initiatives, motions, postulates,2 interpellations and questions) and a data-set on issue attention in articles from the Neue Zürcher Zeitung (NZZ). The data covers the years 1995 to 2003 and the coding of issues followed the classification system developed in the “Policy Agendas Project” (Baumgartner and Jones 1993).

Racing against Time: Varying Patterns of Social Mobilization in Serbia and Georgia

After the collapse of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, a number of actors started to engage in the power struggle for the opportunities to shape the new order in successive nation-states. In Serbia and Georgia historically hegemonic Orthodox Christian churches were among the firsts in the frontlines for political and economic power. More than a decade has passed since the so-called Coloured Revolutions in Georgia and Serbia, and the Orthodox churches still remain participants of an ongoing socio-political transition of these states. The revival of public role of religion appeared temporary in Serbia followed by a gradual decline of an influence of the Orthodox Church over political life and legal process. However, in Georgia the public and political role of religion increased rather than declined albeit changed shape. Examining the degree to which the two Orthodox churches can influence the political agenda in Serbia and Georgia, the paper attempts to understand how church-State relations work in practice. By bringing rich empirical data from the field (70 interviews with (arch)bishops, priests and religious clerics in Georgia and Serbia added to field observations), the paper reflects on the themes under which the two Orthodox churches mobilize public protest in Serbia and Georgia. The paper further looks at varying State responses and their broader implication for church-state problematique.

Seguridad humana : necesidad de innovar enfoques a partir del ordenamiento territorial

La inseguridad es uno de los mayores desafíos al que se enfrentan los gobernantes en América Latina. Este problema avanza desde una visión sectorial en los años ochenta hacia una visión transversal a partir de los noventa. Esto implica una evolución de su concepto; desde su consideración como una cuestión de seguridad de Estado de competencia policial y militar hacia la “seguridad humana", concepto multidimensional que contempla el desarrollo humano y la satisfacción de necesidades. En Argentina la inseguridad se agrava desde la crisis social y económica y es parte de la agenda política debido a los constantes reclamos de la sociedad. Sin embargo, con el transcurrir de los años se puede observar la imposibilidad de las gestiones gubernamentales de hacerle frente. Es por ello que en este trabajo se plantea la relación entre la seguridad humana y el Ordenamiento Territorial a través de la evaluación de la habitabilidad, enfoque que permite operacionalizar el concepto de seguridad de forma integradora y transversal. Para el desarrollo del trabajo se utiliza un caso de estudio: el piedemonte del Gran Mendoza. Se parte de la construcción de una metodología de análisis que permite espacializar los datos y de un sistema de variables e indicadores para medir la habitabilidad en términos de la seguridad humana.

A formulação das políticas públicas para a juventude rural no Brasil e os elementos constitutivos desse processo social

The construction of the research problem occurred in trying to investigate the configuration of public policies for the rural youth and how this political agenda was introduced in the State of the Brazil. The main issue in the research is how the process of configuration of public policies for rural youth in federal government has occurred. The methodology for this study used was qualitative research procedures were triggered participant observation, interviews and documentary analysis. During the research the actors, the formulated policies and rural youth category expressed during this process were highlighted

A formulação das políticas públicas para a juventude rural no Brasil e os elementos constitutivos desse processo social

The construction of the research problem occurred in trying to investigate the configuration of public policies for the rural youth and how this political agenda was introduced in the State of the Brazil. The main issue in the research is how the process of configuration of public policies for rural youth in federal government has occurred. The methodology for this study used was qualitative research procedures were triggered participant observation, interviews and documentary analysis. During the research the actors, the formulated policies and rural youth category expressed during this process were highlighted

A formulação das políticas públicas para a juventude rural no Brasil e os elementos constitutivos desse processo social

The construction of the research problem occurred in trying to investigate the configuration of public policies for the rural youth and how this political agenda was introduced in the State of the Brazil. The main issue in the research is how the process of configuration of public policies for rural youth in federal government has occurred. The methodology for this study used was qualitative research procedures were triggered participant observation, interviews and documentary analysis. During the research the actors, the formulated policies and rural youth category expressed during this process were highlighted

O capital dá a palavra:um estudo do discurso da responsabilidade social na revista Brasil Sustentável

O tema desta pesquisa é a formação do discurso da responsabilidade social empresarial por meio da revista especializada publicada pelo Conselho Empresarial Brasileiro para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável (CEBDS), a Brasil Sustentável. A análise de um veículo de comunicação especializado no tema da responsabilidade social tem o objetivo de definir características que concorram para a elaboração de um discurso que ganha divulgação e relevância na sociedade, e assim contribuir para uma melhor compreensão desse fenômeno. Levando-se em conta um cenário de transformações do capitalismo no pós-moderno, o trabalho vai investigar como ocorre o processo de ressignificação do papel da empresa privada para uma nova inserção na agenda política de debates. O trabalho será desenvolvido com a base teórica das formulações da análise do discurso (AD), utilizando-se seus conceitos e ferramentas para um estudo do discurso da responsabilidade social empresarial inscrito num quadro social e histórico ampliado.(AU)

O capital dá a palavra:um estudo do discurso da responsabilidade social na revista Brasil Sustentável

O tema desta pesquisa é a formação do discurso da responsabilidade social empresarial por meio da revista especializada publicada pelo Conselho Empresarial Brasileiro para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável (CEBDS), a Brasil Sustentável. A análise de um veículo de comunicação especializado no tema da responsabilidade social tem o objetivo de definir características que concorram para a elaboração de um discurso que ganha divulgação e relevância na sociedade, e assim contribuir para uma melhor compreensão desse fenômeno. Levando-se em conta um cenário de transformações do capitalismo no pós-moderno, o trabalho vai investigar como ocorre o processo de ressignificação do papel da empresa privada para uma nova inserção na agenda política de debates. O trabalho será desenvolvido com a base teórica das formulações da análise do discurso (AD), utilizando-se seus conceitos e ferramentas para um estudo do discurso da responsabilidade social empresarial inscrito num quadro social e histórico ampliado.(AU)

Enlaces e entraves para a soberania alimentar e nutricional: movimentos sociais no contexto das relações Brasil-Moçambique nas áreas de alimentação e agricultura

O Brasil tem se apresentado como importante parceiro de Moçambique na execução de projetos por meio da cooperação internacional, notadamente nas áreas afetas à segurança alimentar e nutricional. Há uma forte atuação das empresas brasileiras em setores estratégicos. Uma ampla articulação de atores sociais no país tem apontado caminhos alternativos para enfrentar os desafios do desenvolvimento e globalização. Propõe-se a compreensão sobre a atuação dos movimentos sociais moçambicanos neste contexto. O estudo reconstituiu as definições de segurança alimentar e nutricional e soberania alimentar, identificando seu processo de construção, atores envolvidos e diferentes apropriações. Procurou conhecer as ameaças e desafios à realização do direito humano à alimentação. E, ainda, analisou as práticas sociais em curso, suas características, impasses e conquistas no âmbito local e internacional. Com base na metodologia qualitativa procedeu-se o estudo e análise documental, a realização de visitas técnicas para compreensão do contexto local e a aplicação de entrevistas compreensivas com participantes de movimentos e organizações sociais de Moçambique nas Províncias (Estados) de Maputo e Nampula, ao Sul e Norte, respectivamente. Observou que os movimentos e organizações sociais destinam atenção em graus diferentes em relação às iniciativas desenvolvidas pelo Brasil, possuindo maior relevância as ações em torno da implantação do Programa para o Desenvolvimento Agrícola no Corredor de Nacala (ProSAVANA), em Nampula. Constatou a fragilidade dos mecanismos de participação e controle social em Moçambique na área de segurança alimentar e nutricional. Evidenciou, também, que há uma incorporação ainda incipiente de aspectos relacionados à nutrição na agenda política dos movimentos e organizações sociais. Concluiu que as experiências em cursos têm consolidado um campo de atuação dinâmico, capaz de intervir em processos internacionais de negociação a partir da realidade local.

Direito, democracia e cultura digital: a experiência de elaboração legislativa do Marco Civil da Internet

Este trabalho tem como objeto de pesquisa o processo de consulta pública online para elaboração do Marco Civil da Internet, nova lei que dispõe sobre os direitos dos usuários de Internet no Brasil. Ele busca responder às seguintes perguntas: (i) como foi idealizado processo de consulta pública online do Marco Civil da Internet? (ii) Como a consulta foi gerenciada e executada? (iii) Quais foram os resultados da consulta em termos de soluções jurídicas aos conflitos políticos do setor da Internet? A proposta é realizar uma descrição desta experiência de participação social pela Internet a partir de um mapeamento das contribuições dos cidadãos e instituições, de informações em fontes variadas (imprensa especializada ou não e outros trabalhos acadêmicos) e do confronto deste levantamento com entrevistas dadas pelos gestores do projeto sobre seu planejamento e execução. A pesquisa trabalhou com a hipótese de que a consulta pública online que elaborou o Marco Civil da Internet se colocou como alternativa a um debate instaurado dentro do Congresso Nacional e bloqueado por propostas de lei de enfoque penal. O resultado da pesquisa sugere a confirmação dessa hipótese, bem como a relevância da experiência analisada para o sucesso uma estratégia política de reversão dessa agenda legislativa anterior.

Intervenções em centros urbanos e conflitos distributivos: modelos regulatórios, circuitos de valorização e estratégias discursivas

Este trabalho discute as transformações no modo de intervenção do Estado na produção do espaço urbano no capitalismo contemporâneo a partir de uma reflexão sobre as políticas de revitalização de centros urbanos e os conflitos de natureza distributiva relacionados a esses projetos. Situando-se no campo do direito econômico, o trabalho explora as relações entre a acumulação capitalista e os padrões de intervenção do Estado sobre o espaço urbano a partir de diferentes níveis de análise, articulando elementos teóricos, jurídico-institucionais e empíricos. O processo de reestruturação do capitalismo que se iniciou nos anos 1970 teve desdobramentos relevantes no campo da regulação urbanística, desencadeando mudanças que atingiram suas funções e formas, e que perpassam diversas escalas geográficas. A ordem social e econômica que se configurou no capitalismo contemporâneo, marcada pela difusão de uma agenda política neoliberal e pela emergência de um regime de acumulação com dominância financeira, tem seus desdobramentos específicos na escala das cidades. Nesse contexto, as políticas urbanas passaram a ser progressivamente norteadas por uma racionalidade pragmática e empresarial, fechando-se à influência de esferas democráticas e desviando-se da institucionalização de compromissos redistributivos. Essa mudança qualitativa é mediada por formas institucionais e arranjos regulatórios que não se limitam à escala urbana e ao direito urbanístico propriamente dito, perpassando normas que regulam o regime jurídico da propriedade imobiliária e suas conexões com a esfera financeira, os padrões de financiamento das políticas urbanas, entre outras. A partir de um estudo sobre o Projeto Porto Maravilha uma intervenção urbanística de grande porte, e amplamente conectada a fluxos econômicos globais, que está sendo implementada na cidade do Rio de Janeiro desde 2009 , desenvolvemos uma reflexão sobre alguns vetores de mudança no papel exercido pelo Estado nos processos de urbanização. Este trabalho apresenta duas hipóteses articuladas. A primeira é a de que os padrões de regulação urbanística que emergiram no capitalismo contemporâneo não são meros reflexos de transformações mais abrangentes, mas sim fatores constitutivos dessas mudanças. A segunda a é de que as políticas de revitalização de centros urbanos agem como vetores de aprofundamento das conexões entre dinâmicas locais e processos globais, e também como incubadoras de novos padrões de regulação urbanística.

Medios, imágenes y memoria: el Valle de los Caídos

Since the first decade of the 21st century, the Valley of the Fallen has been established as an object of controversy related to the new policies of memory. In recent years the "Historical Memory" has been a recurring concept in the mass media. While it is true that since 2011 this issue has been overshadowed in the political agenda, even today we continue to access information that refers to our recent past, from perspectives that demand actions of ethic, symbolic, political or economic repair. Many of these reports could be framed within a broader discourse, akin to a concept of "historical memory". These media texts are part of a larger problem that is troubling modern western societies and that has presented a remarkable recovery since the late nineties: debates or polemics on memory. In this paper we propose to study the nature of these media texts. We assume that the mass media configure their texts from frameworks or pre-existing frames. For this research, we propose an analysis of content based on the theory of framing to identify what is the typical journalistic discourse and the modalities of interpretive general framework applied in a number of texts and broadcasts about the Valley of the Fallen...

Parti communiste et féminisme. De l’antifascisme à la transition démocratique en Espagne

Dans les années 1930, les femmes membres du Parti communiste espagnol (PCE) collaborent avec des représentantes du féminisme et réclament une égalité pour les femmes sans pour autant se déclarer féministes. Pendant la guerre civile, elles ne remettent pas en question l’attribution de tâches maternelles aux femmes, mais elles revendiquent une participation politique dans les mêmes conditions que les hommes. Au cours des années 1970 cependant, la culture politique communiste traditionnelle, qui repose sur une relation de genre inégale, est remplacée par une nouvelle culture, dans laquelle socialisme et égalité vont de pair. Pendant la transition démocratique, les militantes se considèrent comme féministes et demandent que les fondements théoriques du féminisme soient assumés par le Parti.