Estudio de caso: análisis de la influencia del movimiento pro-choice estadounidense en la promoción de los derechos sexuales y reproductivos en Colombia en el periodo de 2001 – 2011.

Los procesos transnacionales han marcado un cambio en las relaciones entre los actores del sistema internacional, permitiendo el trabajo por diversas causas a través de las fronteras. Esto ha sido aprovechado por los movimientos sociales, para que su lucha no quede enmarcada simplemente en su país, sino que a partir de objetivos, problemáticas, valores y acciones similares se vea reflejado en diferentes Estados y se de una acción común y colectiva para generar un cambio. Este fenómeno ha sido tomado como referente el Movimiento Pro-choice para articularse transnacionalmente en Colombia para la promoción de los Derechos Sexuales y Reproductivos en el periodo de 2001 a 2011, alcanzando una serie de objetivos importantes que han permitido cambios legales al interior del país, generando también un cambio dentro de la sociedad colombiana. El estudio, análisis y comprensión de la articulación del movimiento prochoice a partir de una dinámica transnacional para la promoción de los derechos sexuales y reproductivos en Colombia, se perfila como un tema de importancia por su coyuntura actual en el mundo, puesto que ha estado latente en los últimos veinte años. Igualmente, la identificación de la acción de los MST como otros actores internacionales en la transformación de las sociedades tanto locales como internacionales, traducido como un fenómeno que se puede explicar dentro de las Relaciones Internacionales.

Ley de Víctimas de Colombia y la responsabilidad de las personas jurídicas por violaciones de derechos humanos

En el año 2011, después de cuatro años de cabildeo y forcejeo político, Colombia aprobó la Ley 1448, más conocida como la Ley de Víctimas. Los objetivos perseguidos por esta ley son bastante amplios, en la medida en que pretende ser una regulación comprensiva para enfrentar los efectos que el conflicto armado ha infligido en la población civil. En este sentido, la ley incluye las reformas legales que fueron consideradascomo necesarias para restablecer el estado de derecho a través de la proteccióny cumplimiento de los derechos de las víctimas. Actualmente, el gobierno, la sociedad civil y la academia se han enfocado en el análisis de los dilemas y grandes temas dela ley. Sin embargo, esta nueva regulación, con sus 208 artículos, es más amplia y compleja, razón por la cual es indispensable hacer un análisis más detenido de sus múltiples provisiones. Una de estas, que parece no haber llamado la atención y que, por lo tanto, no ha sido objeto de estudio pormenorizado es el artículo 46. A primera vista, este parece estar encaminado a reforzar la investigación y juzgamiento de las personas jurídicas relacionadas con violaciones de derechos humanos y derecho internacional humanitario en el contexto colombiano. Este texto examina específicamente los alcances reales y dilemas del artículo, y propone algunas soluciones para llenar la laguna que existe actualmente en el país en la materia.

Redes multi-niveles de derechos humanos y defensa de los pueblos indígenas colombianos en escenarios “internacionalizados”

Este artículo busca analizar uno de los múltiples aspectos de la dimensión internacional de las movilizaciones indígenas: la forma como los procesos reivindicativos de las organizaciones indígenas colombianas se insertan en la dinámica global del lobbying internacional de las redes de derechos humanos ante Naciones Unidas. Para ello, nos centraremos en el análisis de la lógica de funcionamiento de los circuitos de derechos humanos en un universo social específico: el medio asociativo francés. Esto nos permitirá llevar a cabo la reconstrucción de algunos perfiles sociales de militantes y juristas que hacen las veces de intermediarios entre organizaciones colombianas y ONG europeas.-----This article seeks to analyze one of the multiple aspects of the international dimension of indigenous congregations: how the claim processes of the Colombian indigenous organizations fit into the global dynamics of international lobbying by human rights networks before the United Nations. For this purpose we shall focus our argument around analyzing the rationale of the way human rights circuits work in a specific social universe: the French associative media. This will allow us to undertake the reconstruction of some of the social profiles of militants and lawyers who act as intermediaries between Colombian organizations and European NGO's.

Actores indispensables: las ONG y la cooperación para el desarrollo

Tradicionalmente, la política de desarrollo y la cooperación para el mismo se han visto como áreas reservadas a los organismos internacionales y a los Estados. El concepto mismo de desarrollo ha evolucionado desde los años cincuenta. Esta evolución, unida al impacto negativo de la deuda y del ajuste estructural en el nivel de vida de los países en desarrollo (PED), a la creciente concentración de la riqueza como consecuencia de la globalización, al retroceso del Estado y la expansión de la democratización, ha dado a las organizaciones no gubernamentales (ONG) una inusitada relevancia al ser capaces, entre otras cosas, de brindar servicios sociales donde el Estado ya no lo hace y de ejercer cabildeos en favor de temas de interés global, como la ecología, la ayuda a desplazados, etc. En este documento se revisa cuál es la actitud de instituciones de importancia decisiva en los programas de cooperación para el desarrollo (Banco Mundial y Unión Europea) y de agencias de desarrollo de algunos donadores, para mostrar que tanto conceptual como prácticamente las ONG se han convertido en actores indispensables si se quiere alcanzar los objetivos de los programas de lucha contra la pobreza.-----Traditionally, the policy for development and the cooperation for development have been regarded as areas reserved to the international bodies and the Governments. The development concept itself has evolved from the 1950s: jointly with the negative impact of the debt and the structural adjustment in the developing countries’ quality of life, with the growing wealth concentration resulting from the globalization, with the Government backward movement, and with the expansion of the democratization, this evolution has provided the Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) with an unexpected relevance by being able to –among others– provide social services where the Government does not provide them any longer, and to take lobbying actions in favor of global interest topics such as ecology, help to displaced people, etc. This document reviews the attitude of the organizations of decisive importance to the cooperation for development programs (World Bank, European Union), and of the development agencies of some sponsors with the aim of showing that both in concept and in practice the NGOs have become essential actors for reaching the goals of the poverty fighting programs.

El lobby y sus efectos en la reforma tributaria del 2012

La presente investigación pretende dar respuesta al siguiente interrogante: ¿Cuáles son las formas y los efectos del lobby en la discusión de la reforma tributaria del 2012? Para tal efecto, en primer lugar se hace una contextualización del lobby que permita ubicar histórica y coyunturalmente cual ha sido su evolución y se precisan los antecedentes del proyecto de reforma tributaria. En segundo lugar, se hace una revisión teórica desde los distintos enfoques que estudian el lobby con el fin de comprender cuáles son sus actores, como son sus tácticas y formas y cuales sus efectos. Posteriormente y haciendo uso de la metodología cualitativa se hace estudio de caso frente a la reforma tributaria del 2012 identificando actores, sus demandas, las modificaciones logradas y formas en las que se hizo lobby. Finalmente, se ha comparado la normatividad de países como Estados Unidos, Reino Unido, Escocia y de organizaciones supranacionales como la Unión Europea que regulan el ejercicio el cabildeo, detectando ventajas y desventajas y se hace mención especial al proyecto de ley que cursa en Colombia dando algunas recomendaciones.

La política comercial de Estados Unidos en el marco de la Organización Mundial del Comercio. Discurso vs. comportamiento con relación a prácticas anticompetitivas

El objetivo principal de esta monografía es identificar cuáles son las razones que justifican las contradicciones entre el discurso y el comportamiento de Estados Unidos en el marco de la Organización Mundial del Comercio, particularmente con relación a prácticas anticompetitivas derivadas del programa de protección a la agricultura del país. Para ello se analizan el interés nacional y los elementos de la seguridad nacional a partir de los cuales éste se ha construido. También se evalúan los procesos de formulación de política comercial y las interacciones entre los representantes políticos, las asociaciones de productores y el sector privado para mostrar como este comportamiento contradictorio corresponde a la legitimización de un interés particular.

The post-Lisbon role of the European Parliament in the EU's Common Commercial Policy: Implications for bilateral trade negotiations. EU Diplomacy Paper 05/2012, July 2012

This paper sets out to conduct an empirical analysis of the post-Lisbon role of the European Parliament (EP) in the EU’s Common Commercial Policy through an examination of the ‘deep and comprehensive’ bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) currently negotiated as part of the EU’s Global Europe strategy. The EU-Korea and EU-India FTAs are used as case studies in order to determine the implications of the EP’s enhanced trade powers on the processes, actors and outcomes of EU bilateral trade policy. The EP is now endowed with the ‘hard power’ of consent in the ratification phase of FTAs, acting as a threat to strengthen its ‘soft power’ to influence negotiations. The EP is developing strategies to influence the mandate and now plays an important role in the implementation of FTAs. The entry of this new player on the Brussels trade policy field has brought about a shift in the institutional balance of power and opened up the EP as a new point of access for trade policy lobbyists. Finally, increased EP involvement in EU trade policy has brought about a politicisation of EU trade policy and greater normative outcomes of FTAs.

Brand protection and the globalization of British business

In expanding on earlier analyses of the evolution of multinational business that have drawn from concepts of competition and innovation, this study examines the strategies used by British multinationals, between 1870 and 1929, to protect the global reputation of their brands, which were crucial to their survival and success. Even after the passage of new trademark legislation in 1876, enforcement of trademarks remained expensive, and often firms preferred to negotiate, rather than to prosecute violations. Many trademark imitators were based in the newly industrializing countries of the time—the United States, Germany, and Japan—and were part of the British export supply chains as licensees, franchisees, or wholesalers. British firms responded to infringements by lobbying governments, appointing local agents to provide intelligence, and collaborating with other firms.

How large is congressional dependence in agriculture. Bayesian inference about ‘scale’ and ‘scope’ in measuring a spatial externality

The political economy literature on agriculture emphasizes influence over political outcomes via lobbying conduits in general, political action committee contributions in particular and the pervasive view that political preferences with respect to agricultural issues are inherently geographic. In this context, ‘interdependence’ in Congressional vote behaviour manifests itself in two dimensions. One dimension is the intensity by which neighboring vote propensities influence one another and the second is the geographic extent of voter influence. We estimate these facets of dependence using data on a Congressional vote on the 2001 Farm Bill using routine Markov chain Monte Carlo procedures and Bayesian model averaging, in particular. In so doing, we develop a novel procedure to examine both the reliability and the consequences of different model representations for measuring both the ‘scale’ and the ‘scope’ of spatial (geographic) co-relations in voting behaviour.

Voluntary export restraints between Britain and Japan: the case of the UK car market (1971–2002)

The rise in international markets of new, productive Japanese car manufacturers provoked intense world competition, which created serious doubts about the economic sustainability of an industry mostly dominated until the 1970s by European and North-American multinational companies. Ultimately, this crisis provoked a deep transformation of the industry, with consequences that had a permanent impact on European companies in the sector. American and later European manufacturers were successful in lobbying governments to provide protection. Using a rich source of data from the UK, I show that the ‘new trade policy’, voluntary export restraint (VER), placed on Japanese exports of new cars from 1977 to December 1999, was binding. This case study illustrates the strategies used by Japanese manufacturers to gain access to the European market through the UK market via strategic alliances and later through transplant production, against which continental European nation states were unable to fully insulate themselves. It is also shown that the policy had a profound effect on the nature of Japanese products, as Japanese firms responded to the quantity restraints by radically altering the product characteristics of their automobiles and shifting towards larger autos and new goods, to maximise their profits subject to the binding constraint.

Öppna arenor och slutna rum : några kommunikationskonsulter i Dalarna ser på opinionsbildning

Syftet med denna uppsats är att ta reda på hur lokala kommunikationskonsulter i Falun/Borlänge-regionen ser på opinionsbildning via professionella konsulter. De centrala begrepp som avhandlas är PR, opinionsbildning och lobbying.Den teoretiska ram som omger undersökningen består av de teoribyggen som skapats av Jürgen Habermas, James E. Grunig och Larsåke Larsson. Habermas ställer sig tveksam till den demokratiska nyttan av professionell opinionsbildning, Grunig är mer positiv och Larsson ser både för- och nackdelar med PR-verksamheten. Larssons undersökning av opinionskonsulter från 2005 refereras också.Undersökningen bygger på intervjuer med ett antal kommunikationskonsulter verksamma i Falun och Borlänge. Den lokala marknaden för opinionsbildande uppdrag diskuteras, men också huruvida politiska uppdrag förser byråerna med politisk färg. Huruvida medarbetarnas engagemang är viktigt och hur hög statusen på opinionsbildande uppdrag är ventileras, samt vilka arbetsmetoder som används. Intervjuerna behandlar också förekomsten av lobbying på lokal nivå. Till slut redogör de intervjuade för sin syn på hur opinionsbildning, PR och lobbying via konsulter påverkar demokratin.Under slutsatser diskuteras resultatet i relation till den teoretiska ramen. Att PR- och reklambranscherna alltmer växer samman och att opinionsbildning är ett vanligt inslag i många projekt är ett faktum som också skymtat fram i den teoretiska ramen. Men reklam- och PR-metoder integreras också i politiken, på gott och ont. Följaktligen växer den gråzon som finns mellan de olika typerna av kommunikation och mellan opinionsbildande och icke-opinionsbildande uppdrag. Det försvårar gränsdragning och tydlighet, men skapar nya kreativa möjligheter.Att den ökade användningen av kommunikationskonsulter kanske kan bidra till en orättvis fördel för resursstarka organisationer diskuteras. Ny teknik, t.ex. Internet, kan dock eventuellt vara den motvikt som gör det möjligt även för resurssvaga grupper att höras i det offentliga samtalet. Kommunikation som maktfaktor tas även upp utifrån termer som lobbying och medias dagordningsfunktion.Några aspekter av den outnyttjade potential som PR har ventileras också. PR som metod är en outnyttjad resurs på det lokala planet, något som kan bero både på okunskap hos de lokala kunderna och ett traditionellt arbetssätt hos byråerna. Utifrån intervjusvaren framkommer att både byråerna, deras kunder och media på landsorten skulle gynnas av ett större samarbete.Resultaten av intervjuerna stöder mycket i den teoretiska ramen, medan somligt förkastas. Som sammanfattning kan sägas att opinionsbildning via konsulter kan användas för både gott och ont. Vilket som blir resultatet handlar som oftast om etik, ansvar, öppenhet och professionalitet.ABSTRACTThe primary target for this report is to find out how communication consultants in the region of Falun and Borlänge views the practice of establishing public opinions by using professional public relations consultants. The concepts in focus are PR, the moulding of public opinion and lobbying.The theoretical framework surrounding this report is the writings by Jürgen Habermas, James E. Grunig and Larsåke Larsson. Habermas has doubts as to the democratic use of professional consultants working with public opinions, Grunig has a somewhat more positive approach and Larsson sees both advantages and disadvantages in a democratic sense with the PR industry. Larssons research concerning consultants working with the moulding of public opinions from 2005 is also reviewed. The research is carried out by interviewing some communication consultants working in the Falun /Borlänge- area. The local market for commissions concerning public opinions is discussed, but also if and how political commissions are forcing a political stamp upon the firms engaging in such commissions. The importance of personal commitment in the consultants and the level of prominence commissions concerning public opinion has in the business is discussed, but also which methods is used and preferred. The interviews also deal with the practice of lobbying in the local arena. Finally the participants state their views on how the moulding of public opinion, PR and lobbying effects the democracy. Conclusively, the result is put in relation to the theories earlier mentioned. The public relations market is merging with the advertising business, that is a fact, and establishing public opinion is a common element in a lot of projects. But methods used for advertising and PR are also integrated in the political sphere, for good and bad. That has made the distinction between different kinds of communication harder, thereby enhancing the difficulties of establishing boundaries and achieving clarity. Yet at the same time it facilitates new creative opportunities.The growing use of communication consultants may contribute to unfair advantages for organisations with large economic resources. New technical development though, such as the Internet for example, may prove to simplify communication for groups with lesser economic power. Communication as an aspect of power is being discussed in terms of lobbying and the agenda setting power of media.Some aspects of the unused potential that lies within PR are also in focus in this report. PR as a method is an unused resource in the local market, which can be due to the local clients lack of knowledge but also to the traditional work carried out by the communication firms. The findings of the interviews show that both communication firms, their clients and the local media would benefit from greater cooperation.The theoretical base in this work is mostly supported by the interviews, though a few of the findings does not agree. The moulding of public opinions by professional consultants can be used for both good and bad. What the result will be is, not surprisingly, a question of ethics, responsibility, openness and professionalism.

The initiation and administration of drugs for advanced life support by critical care nurses in the absence of a medical practitioner

Current legislation does not permit the administration of first line resuscitation medications by suitably qualified Division 1 registered nurses (RNs) in the absence of a medical officer. This omission by the Drugs,  Poisons and Controlled Substances Act 1981 (Vic) and the Drugs, Poisons and The Controlled Substances Regulations 1995 (Vic) leaves many critical care nurses in a vulnerable legal position.

The primary aim of this study was to gauge the view of critical care nurses with respect to lobbying for change to the current legislation. In addition, the study aimed to explore and describe the educational preparation, practice perceptions and experiences of RNs working in critical care regarding cardiopulmonary resuscitation and the administration of first line advanced life support (ALS) medications in the absence of a medical officer. It was anticipated that data collected would demonstrate some of the dilemmas associated with the initiation and administration of ALS medications for practising critical care nurses and could be used to inform controlling bodies in order for them to gain an appreciation of the issues facing critical care nurses during resuscitation.

A mailout survey was sent to all members of the Victorian Branch of the Australian College of Critical Care Nurses (ACCCN). The results showed that the majority of nurses underwent an annual ALS assessment and had current ALS accreditation. Nurses indicated that they felt educationally prepared and were confident to manage cardiopulmonary resuscitation without a medical officer; indeed, the majority had done so. The differences in practice issues for metropolitan, regional and rural nurses were highlighted. There is therefore clear evidence to suggest that legislative amendments are appropriate and necessary, given the time critical nature of cardiopulmonary arrest. There was overwhelming support for ACCCN Vic. Ltd to lobby the Victorian government for changes to the law.

Pharmaceuticals in Australia: developments in regulation and governance

The pharmaceutical domain represents a type of internationalised policy network theorised in recent writings on neo-liberalism, neo-corporatism and governance. This article presents an analysis of developments in prescription drug regulation in Australia. A relatively stable, state-managed pattern of interaction has been superseded by less closed exchange, and the government itself has fragmented into agencies pursuing different objectives. Developments in the three core regulatory areas are described: safety and efficacy controls, social policy (access and equity), and state support for industry (economic) development. Consensus-building occurs within the context of the National Medicines Policy. The pharmaceutical industry, represented by Medicines Australia, has a stake in all aspects of pharmaceutical policy and regulation, and draws upon unique resources (expertise and lobbying capacity). The context for the developments described is Australia's abandonment of a protectionist version of the Keynesian welfare national state in favour of the model of the competition state, which is oriented towards support for the growth of high technology industries such as pharmaceuticals, premised on partnerships with business.

How transnational environmental advocacy networks socialize international financial institutions: a case study of the international finance corporation

Environmental organizations, characterized here as transnational advocacy networks, use various strategies to "green" international financial institutions (IFIs). This article goes beyond analyzing network strategies to examine how transnational advocacy networks reconstitute the identity of IFIs. This, it is argued, results from processes of socialization: social influence, persuasion and coercion by lobbying. A case study of the International Finance Corporation (IFC), as a member of the World Bank Group, is used to analyze how an IFI internalized sustainable development norms. The IFC finances private enterprise in developing countries by providing venture capital for private projects. Transnational advocacy networks socialized the IFC through influencing its projects, policies and institutions via direct and indirect interactions to the point where the organization now sees itself as a sustainable development financier. This article applies constructivist insights to the greening process in order to demonstrate how socialization can reshape an IFI's identity.