Seguridad, poder, y conflictos diplomáticos: las relaciones diplomáticas Colombia – Venezuela (periodo Uribe – Chávez, 2002 - 2010)

La relación Colombia – Venezuela ha estado signada por un clima de conflictividad durante los periodos presidenciales de Hugo Chávez y Álvaro Uribe (2002 - 2010), se observa como la construcción de las agendas diplomáticas de Colombia y Venezuela han estado centradas en la seguridad y el conflicto. Estando, la construcción de las agendas diplomáticas de ambos Estados, configuradas por la búsqueda de resultados electorales positivos a lo interno, y en el plano internacional, buscan alianzas y legitimidad, todo esto para cumplir con las dinámicas internas de cada Estado. Evidenciándose manifestaciones de conflictividad tales como: diplomacias rígidas con ausencia de diálogo; el presidencialismo; y la diplomacia de micrófono. Esta temática ocupa el trabajo de tesis que se presenta con el propósito de exponer para la discusión la siguiente interrogante: ¿Qué factores, presentes en los respectivos gobiernos, explican la creación de una agenda de política exterior Colombia – Venezuela centrada en la seguridad y el conflicto? Plateándose como objetivo general de este trabajo de tisis: Analizar las relaciones diplomáticas Colombia – Venezuela en el marco de los conceptos de seguridad divergentes, y sus conflictividades. Durante el periodo presidencial Chávez-Uribe (2002-2010). Para alcanzar dicho objetivo, la investigación se realizó en dos fases que dan lugar a la estructura de dos capítulos. En la primera, se identificarán las lógicas de los conceptos de seguridad y su repercucion en las relaciones diplomática Colombia – Venezuela; y en el segundo capitulo, se describen las manifestaciones de conflictividad entre Colombia y Venezuela, en sus relaciones con sus dinamicas internas.

Media Coverage and Charitable Giving After the 2004 Tsunami

Media coverage of humanitarian crises is widely believed to influence charitable giving, yet this assertion has received little empirical scrutiny. Using Internet donations after the 2004 tsunami as a case study in a tobit framework, we show that media coverage of disasters increases charitable donations, with an additional minute of nightly news coverage increasing donations by 0.036 standard deviations from the mean. We repeat the analysis using instrumental variables in a tobit model to account for endogeneity, and the estimates are unchanged. We also show that the magnitude and sign of media impact vary by news source and relief agency.

As relações entre Brasil e Venezuela durante os governos de Lula e Chávez - 2003 a 2010

This work examines the political-economic relations between Brazil and Venezuela from 2003 to 2010, during the mandates of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Hugo Chavez Frías. After a historical overview of Venezuela, by showing the first approximations, it sets out the cooperation projects and makes a categorization and study of the International Acts signed during the studied period. The graphs and tables allowed a quantitative and qualitative analysis. The growth of the international trade is also considered and studied. The results show prospects that may contribute to cooperation and international trade between the two countries

As mamas de Angelina Jolie e as relações de corpo, cultura e comunicação no discurso da revista Veja

This article analyzes the representation made by Veja magazine about american actress Angelina Jolie about the news about her preventive double mastectomy wich she was submitted. Based on the reflections of Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari on discourse analysis this article does not cramp about the contributions of linguistics. These reflections contribute to the understanding of this fact within the media landscape to control and discipline the body.

MÍDIA E DISCURSO: UM ESTUDO DO DISCURSO DA VEJA SOBRE O FUNK CARIOCA

O trabalho aborda a Revista Veja, publicação da editora Abril, com o objetivo de identificar qual o discurso utilizado nas matérias que abordam o funk carioca como tema. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa, com perfil descritivo, na qual as teorias da Análise de Discurso da linha francesa foram utilizadas como subsídio para análise. O corpus é composto por um recorte baseado em sete reportagens da publicação. Verificou-se que o funk carioca é relacionado com sexualidade e consumismo e a revista utiliza um discurso autoritário para impor as diferenças de classes sociais dos participantes do gênero e dos leitores da publicação, além da busca por denegrir a imagem do funk carioca, opinando e utilizando a ironia.(AU)

MÍDIA E DISCURSO: UM ESTUDO DO DISCURSO DA VEJA SOBRE O FUNK CARIOCA

O trabalho aborda a Revista Veja, publicação da editora Abril, com o objetivo de identificar qual o discurso utilizado nas matérias que abordam o funk carioca como tema. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa, com perfil descritivo, na qual as teorias da Análise de Discurso da linha francesa foram utilizadas como subsídio para análise. O corpus é composto por um recorte baseado em sete reportagens da publicação. Verificou-se que o funk carioca é relacionado com sexualidade e consumismo e a revista utiliza um discurso autoritário para impor as diferenças de classes sociais dos participantes do gênero e dos leitores da publicação, além da busca por denegrir a imagem do funk carioca, opinando e utilizando a ironia.(AU)

A revista Veja e a construção da realidade dos evangélicos no Brasil: uma análise do discurso.

A dissertação de mestrado A revista Veja e a construção da realidade dos evangélicos no Brasil: uma análise do discurso , não objetiva julgar como certo ou errado o procedimento das diferentes correntes religiosas do segmento cristão brasileiro ou mesmo do jornalismo que as reporta, mas sim, avaliar como um dos periódicos mais conceituados e lidos no país destaca fatos e temas referentes ao segmento cristão evangélico, em sua cobertura jornalística, participando do processo social de construção da realidade. Para compreender este processo, utilizou-se a técnica de Análise do Discurso, com base no método qualitativo, visando explorar, entender e descobrir a forma como a revista Veja reporta o segmento religioso. O corpus definido são as nove matérias de capa que destacam os evangélicos durante 42 anos de circulação do periódico (1968-2010) que totalizam 2197 edições da revista Veja. Para se estabelecer um comparativo quanto à abordagem sobre outros segmentos cristãos, um mesmo número de edições que destacaram o Catolicismo Romano, foram igualmente analisadas. A pesquisa é orientada pela hipótese de que o discurso contido nas reportagens constrói uma imagem negativa dos evangélicos por meio do recurso a um tom irônico e dá ênfase em situações que envolvem escândalos e questões financeiras. Esta hipótese também se assenta na compreensão de que jornalistas não são profissionais técnicos desprovidos de imaginação e visões de mundo, neste caso, de um imaginário em torno da religião, que faz parte da construção noticiosa da qual participam. As Teorias do Imaginário, juntamente com as Teorias do Discurso e as Teorias do Jornalismo (Produção da Notícia) servirão de base para a compreensão do fenômeno e para a análise do objeto, que será conduzida por meio do método da Análise do Discurso. Espera-se que esta pesquisa contribua na indicação de caminhos para facilitar o diálogo entre a sociedade, entidades religiosas e profissionais envolvidos na produção de mensagem midiáticas, contribuindo para uma cultura de paz e de respeito à diversidade religiosa e à pluralidade de idéias presentes na sociedade brasileira, enfatizando, neste sentido, os valores éticos do profissional de comunicação.

MÍDIA E DISCURSO: UM ESTUDO DO DISCURSO DA VEJA SOBRE O FUNK CARIOCA

O trabalho aborda a Revista Veja, publicação da editora Abril, com o objetivo de identificar qual o discurso utilizado nas matérias que abordam o funk carioca como tema. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa, com perfil descritivo, na qual as teorias da Análise de Discurso da linha francesa foram utilizadas como subsídio para análise. O corpus é composto por um recorte baseado em sete reportagens da publicação. Verificou-se que o funk carioca é relacionado com sexualidade e consumismo e a revista utiliza um discurso autoritário para impor as diferenças de classes sociais dos participantes do gênero e dos leitores da publicação, além da busca por denegrir a imagem do funk carioca, opinando e utilizando a ironia.(AU)

News framing in different language versions of state-sponsored international media : A case of Russian and English versions in RT and Radio Liberty

The current paper examines the dissimilarities that have occurred in news framing by state-sponsored news outlets in their different language versions. The comparative framing analysis is conducted on the news coverage of the Russian intervention in Syria (2016) in RT and Radio Liberty in Russian and English languages. The certain discrepancies in framing of this event are found in both news outlets. The strongest distinction between Russian and English versions occurred in framing of responsibility and humanitarian crisis in Syria. The study attempts to explain the identified differences in a framework of public diplomacy and propaganda studies. The existing theories explain that political ideology and foreign policy orientation influences principles of state propaganda and state-sponsored international broadcasting. However, the current findings suggest that other influence factors may exist in the field – such as the local news discourse and the journalistic principles. This conclusion is preliminary, as there are not many studies with the comparable research design, which could support the current discussion. The studies of localized strategies of the international media (whether private networks or state-funded channels) can refine the current conclusions and bring a new perspective to global media studies.

Financial media, globalisation, and China’s economic integration: comparing narrative construction of the Economist and Caijing

In June 2015, legal frameworks of the Asian Infrastructural Investment Bank were signed by its 57 founding members. Proposed and initiated by China, this multilateral development bank is considered to be an Asian counterpart to break the monopoly of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. In October 2015, China’s Central Bank announced a benchmark interest rate cut to combat the economic slowdown. The easing policy coincides with the European Central Bank’s announcement of doubts over US Fed’s commitment to raise interest rates. Global stock markets responded positively to China’s move, with the exception of the indexes from Wall Street (Bland, 2015; Elliott, 2015). In the meantime, China’s ‘One Belt, One Road’ (or New Silk Road Economic Belt) became atopic of discourse in relation to its growing global economy, as China pledged $40 billion to trade and infrastructure projects (Bermingham, 2015). The foreign policy aims to reinforce the economic belt from western China through Central Asia towards Europe, as well as to construct maritime trading routes from coastal China through the South China Sea (Summers, 2015). In 2012, The Economist launched a new China section, to reveal the complexity of the‘meteoric rise’ of China. John Micklethwait, who was then the chief editor of the magazine, said that China’s emergence as a global power justified giving it a section of its own(Roush, 2012). In July 2015, Hu Shuli, the former chief editor of Caijing, announced the launch of a think tank and financial data service division called Caixin Insight Group, which encompasses the new Caixin China Purchasing Managers Index (PMI). Incooperation with with Markit Group, a principal global provider of PMI, the index soon became a widely cited economic indicator. One anecdote from November’s Caixin shows how much has changed: in a high-profile dialogue between Hu Shuli and Kevin Rudd, Hu insisted on asking questions in English; interestingly, the former Prime Minister of Australia insisted on replying in Chinese. These recent developments point to one thing: the economic ascent of China and its increasing influence on the power play between economics and politics in world markets. China has begun to take a more active role in rule making and enforcement under neoliberal frameworks. However, due to the country’s size and the scale of its economy in comparison to other countries, China’s version of globalisation has unique characteristics. The ‘Capitalist-socialist’ paradox is vital to China’s market-oriented transformation. In order to comprehend how such unique features are articulated and understood, there are several questions worth investigating in the realms of media and communication studies,such as how China’s neoliberal restructuring is portrayed and perceived by different types of interested parties, and how these portrayals are de-contextualised and re-contextualised in global or Anglo-American narratives. Therefore, based on a combination of the themes of globalisation, financial media and China’s economic integration, this thesis attempts to explore how financial media construct the narratives of China’s economic globalisation through the deployment of comparative and multi-disciplinary approaches. Two outstanding elite financial magazines, Britain’s The Economist, which has a global readership and influence, and Caijing, China’s leading financial magazine, are chosen as case studies to exemplify differing media discourses, representing, respectively, Anglo-American and Chinese socio-economic and political backgrounds, as well as their own journalistic cultures. This thesis tries to answer the questions of how and why China’s neoliberal restructuring is constructed from a globally-oriented perspective. The construction primarily involves people who are influential in business and policymaking. Hence, the analysis falls into the paradigm of elite-elite communication, which is an important but relatively less developed perspective in studying China and its globalisation. The comparing of characteristics of narrative construction are the result of the textual analysis of articles published over a ten-year period (mid-1998 to mid-2008). The corpus of samples come from the two media outlets’ coverage of three selected events:China becoming a member of the World Trade Organization, its outward direct investment, and the listing of stocks of Chinese companies in overseas exchanges, which are mutually exclusive in sample collection and collectively exhaustive in the inclusion of articles regarding China’s economic globalisation. The findings help to understand that, despite language, socio-economic and political differences, elite financial media with globally-oriented readerships share similar methods of and approaches to agenda setting, the evaluation of news prominence, the selection of frame, and the advocacy of deeply rooted neoliberal ideas. The comparison of their distinctive features reflects the different phases of building up the sense of identity in their readers as global elites, as well as the different economic interests that are aligned with the corresponding readerships. However, textual analysis is only relevant in terms of exploring how the narratives are constructed and the elements they include; textual analysis alone prevents us from seeing the obstacles and the constrains of the journalistic practices of construction. Therefore, this thesis provides a brief discussion of interviews with practitioners from the two media, in order to understand how similar or different narratives are manifested and perceived, how the concept of neoliberalism deviates from and is justified in the Chinese context, and how and for what purpose deviations arise from Western to Chinese contexts. The thesis also contributes to defining financial media in the domain of elite communication. The relevant and closely interlocking concepts of globalisation, elitism and neoliberalism are discussed, and are used as a theoretical bedrock in the analysis of texts and contexts. It is important to address the agenda-setting and ideological role of elite financial media, because of its narrative formula of infusing business facts with opinions,which is important in constructing the global elite identity as well as influencing neoliberal policy-making. On the other hand, ‘journalistic professionalism’ has been redefined, in that the elite identity is shared by the content producer, reader and the actors in the news stories emerging from the much-compressed news cycle. The professionalism of elite financial media requires a dual definition, that of being professional in the understanding of business facts and statistics, and that of being professional in the making sense of stories by deploying economic logic.

A complexity-based diagnostic on the democratic unity roundtable mud: problems and alternatives (2008-2016)

Este trabajo exploratorio estudia al movimiento político Mesa de la Unidad Democrática (MUD), creada con el fin de oponerse la Gobierno socialista existente en venezuela. La crítica que este documento realiza, parte desde el punto de vista de la Ciencia de la Complejidad. Algunos conceptos clave de sistemas complejos han sido utilizados para explicar el funcionamiento y organización de la MUD, esto con el objetivo de generar un diagnóstico integral de los problemas que enfrenta, y evidenciar las nuevas percepciones sobre comportamientos perjudiciales que el partido tiene actualmente. Con el enfoque de la complejidad se pretende ayudar a comprender mejor el contexto que enmarca al partido y, para, finalmente aportar una serie de soluciones a los problemas de cohesión que presen

The internet and the changing global media environment

This chapter describes current trends in the global media environment, with a focus on their implications for the management of public agendas and political processes. It assesses the extent to which trends such as the growth of the blogosphere, "citizen journalism," and other forms if user-generated content, have complicated and problematized news and agenda management as engaged in by both media and political elites. It argues that, in large part due to the rise of the internet and the proliferation if online producers of information and commentary, alongside 24-hour news channels such as CNN and Al Jazeera, political and social actors today face a much more complex, chaotic communication environment than ever bifore, an environment characterized as one of cultural chaos. Having outlined the roots of this trend in the emergence of an expanded, globalized public sphere, the chapter goes on to ask if elite control over the political agenda has been eroded, and if it has, what the consequences for governmmt and the exercise if power might be. Can authoritarian regimes in China, the Middle East, and elsewhere survive the onset if internet-fueled global journalism, for example? In a political environment where public opinion is driven and buffeted by news coverage if unprecedented speed and volume, can democratic governments retain sufficient control over decision- and policy-making processes to enable competent social administration al'ld political management? Can the citizens of contemporary democracies use the emerging media environment to enhance elite accountability and strengthen the democratic process? The chapter concludes that the changing global media environment has the potmtial to strengthen democratic processes, though there is no sil'lgle template for the impact of the internet and other new media on specific countries.

Working the story : News curation in social media as a second save of citizen journalism

For the first decade of its existence, the concept of citizen journalism has described an approach which was seen as a broadening of the participant base in journalistic processes, but still involved only a comparatively small subset of overall society – for the most part, citizen journalists were news enthusiasts and “political junkies” (Coleman, 2006) who, as some exasperated professional journalists put it, “wouldn’t get a job at a real newspaper” (The Australian, 2007), but nonetheless followed many of the same journalistic principles. The investment – if not of money, then at least of time and effort – involved in setting up a blog or participating in a citizen journalism Website remained substantial enough to prevent the majority of Internet users from engaging in citizen journalist activities to any significant extent; what emerged in the form of news blogs and citizen journalism sites was a new online elite which for some time challenged the hegemony of the existing journalistic elite, but gradually also merged with it. The mass adoption of next-generation social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter, however, has led to the emergence of a new wave of quasi-journalistic user activities which now much more closely resemble the “random acts of journalism” which JD Lasica envisaged in 2003. Social media are not exclusively or even predominantly used for citizen journalism; instead, citizen journalism is now simply a by-product of user communities engaging in exchanges about the topics which interest them, or tracking emerging stories and events as they happen. Such platforms – and especially Twitter with its system of ad hoc hashtags that enable the rapid exchange of information about issues of interest – provide spaces for users to come together to “work the story” through a process of collaborative gatewatching (Bruns, 2005), content curation, and information evaluation which takes place in real time and brings together everyday users, domain experts, journalists, and potentially even the subjects of the story themselves. Compared to the spaces of news blogs and citizen journalism sites, but also of conventional online news Websites, which are controlled by their respective operators and inherently position user engagement as a secondary activity to content publication, these social media spaces are centred around user interaction, providing a third-party space in which everyday as well as institutional users, laypeople as well as experts converge without being able to control the exchange. Drawing on a number of recent examples, this article will argue that this results in a new dynamic of interaction and enables the emergence of a more broadly-based, decentralised, second wave of citizen engagement in journalistic processes.

Entre César e o Demos: notas agonísticas sobre a democracia na Venezuela

A tese aqui apresentada almeja contribuir para a secular polêmica que recobre o ideal democrático. Com este propósito, buscar-se-á delinear, a partir das contribuições de Chantal Mouffe e Ernesto Laclau, o que poderia ser entendido como um modelo agonístico de democracia, operando, primeiramente, um breve resgate do espectro conceitual que o circunda, cujos extremos podem ser encontrados nas obras de Jürgen Habermas e Carl Schmitt, em relação às quais, segundo a hipótese perseguida ao longo do prólogo e do primeiro capítulo, tal modelo assumiria feições sintéticas. Em seguida, o agonismo será utilizado como ferramenta heurística mobilizada para responder à seguinte pergunta: o governo de Hugo Chávez representa uma ruptura ou uma continuidade, conquanto ao regime jurídico-político que o precedera? De acordo com este objetivo, no curso do segundo e do terceiro capítulos será construída uma narrativa que visa a atender ao desdobramento da hipótese central deste trabalho acerca da pertinência do modelo agonístico de democracia, entendido como ferramenta analítica particularmente adequada ao estudo do fenômeno chavista. Tal suposição, por sua vez, desdobrar-se-á em dois eixos intrinsecamente relacionados: um descritivo e outro normativo. No tocante ao primeiro, os esforços concentrar-se-ão na demonstração da adequação do conceito laclauniano de populismo para o entendimento do tipo de vínculo representativo estabelecido entre Hugo Chávez e seus eleitores. Quanto ao segundo eixo, espera-se ressaltar, através das considerações de Laclau mas, principalmente, Mouffe, os riscos inerentes a este tipo de representação, assim como possíveis formas de contorná-los.