937 resultados para French Empire


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A grey snapper (Lutjanus griseus), a grouper (Serranidae) and a blackjack (Caranx lugubris) were implicated in three different ciguatera poisonings in Guadeloupe, French West Indies. A mouse bioassay indicated toxicity for each specimens: 0.5-1, greater than or equal to 1 and > 1 M Ug g(-1), respectively. After purification by gel filtration chromatography, the samples were analysed by high-performance liquid chromatography coupled to mass spectrometry (LC-MS). The toxin profiles differ from one fish to another. C-CTX-1 was detected at 0.24, 0.90 and 13.8 ng g(-1) flesh in the snapper, grouper and jack, respectively. It contributed only to part of the whole toxicity determined by the mouse bioassay. Other toxins identified were C-CTX-2 (a C-CTX-1 epimer), three additional isomers of C-CTX-1 or -2, and five ciguatoxin congeners (C-CTX-1127, C-CTX-1143 and its isomer C-CTX-1143a, and C-CTX-1157 and its isomer C-CTX-1157b). Putative hydroxy-polyether-like compounds were also detected in the flesh of the grouper with [M+ + H](+) ions at m/z 851.51, 857.50, 875.51, 875.49 and 895.54 Da. Some of these compounds have the same mass range as some known dinoflagellate toxins. In conclusion, this study confirms the usefulness of LC-MS analysis to determine the ciguatoxins levels and the toxin profile in fish flesh hazardous to humans.

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Muitos historiadores, particularmente estrangeiros, que vêem Portugal “de fora”, têm-se mostrado críticos do mau desempenho do império colonial português.Aintolerância religiosa, uso excessivo de força para conseguir o monopólio de especiarias, são alguns aspectos que mereceram críticas mais duras [Devo admitir que fui eu um destes críticos!] mas quase sempre bem fundamentadas e difíceis de rejeitar. Mas é preciso admitir que a história colonial portuguesa é também feita de elementos positivos e menos violentos. Os portugueses devem ser considerados pioneiros de assistência social através das suas políticas inovadoras que providenciaram cuidados para os doentes e desgraçados, embora estas políticas não abrangessem os sujeitos não-Cristãos do império.

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ABSTRACT: The American metacinema which, by tradition, is narrative but extremely formulaic favours the story above the telling. No man contributed more to alter this state of affairs than Orson Welles, whose cinematic practice exalted the filmic enunciation and linked it more explicitly to the narrative intentions of the creator, making it obvious that metanarrative is synonymous with metacinema. With Citizen Kane (1941), in particular, the cinema was made more disnarrative, as meant by French writer/director Alain Robbe–Grillet, well ahead of Modernism. The fragmented narration, the temporal convolutions, a tendency for paradox and the interpretative obstacles all come together to anticipate the serial practice of David Lynch in his last four features. Structuring the films in segments which constitute different but complementary versions of the same events, Lynch manages to express the director’s enunciation along with the narration of the characters, reinforcing the role of the telling in the midst of the story. In INLAND EMPIRE (2006) the use of mise-en-abyme as a way of duplicating stories and tellers further increases the objective and complicates what is clearly the reign of the puzzle or mind-game film. In the footsteps of Welles, Lynch contributed for an outbreak of metanarrative / metacinematic crossover indie films closer to the European aesthetic practice but still very much within the American narrative tradition.

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Com INLAND EMPIRE (2006) David Lynch realiza uma obra inteiramente metacinematográfica, provando que este género transversal à História do cinema é passível de coexistir com uma poética arrojada, de pendor moderno, segundo a divisão que Gilles Deleuze faz da Sétima Arte. A produção teórica sobre esta vertente fílmica de Lynch é em termos internacionais muito escassa e em Portugal virtualmente inexistente, justificando que se proceda um trabalho de investigação nestes moldes. Ademais, INLAND EMPIRE não é um exemplo isolado na obra do cineasta, mas sim o ponto culminante de uma carreira que tem vindo a prestar cada vez mais atenção à temática meta-espectatorial. A abordagem de Lynch tem a particularidade de congregar num único trabalho o desejo de manifestar o vidente espelhando igualmente o filme, o que permite abordar INLAND EMPIRE como reflexividade na óptica do espectador. Trata-se de encenar uma alegoria do vidente, mas equacionando produção com recepção. Deste modo, o presente livro adopta o mecanismo da enunciação como base da reflexividade institucional e narrativa em duas secções teóricas distintas versando, respectivamente, a (re)duplicação especular e a mise en abyme. A cada um destes capítulos corresponde uma análise prática directamente relacionada com os factores teóricos apontados. A obra culmina com um areflexão sobre as implicações do cinema digital para a execução de alegorias cinematográficas e a sua influência em INLAND EMPIRE, que já foi inteiramente produzido com esta tecnologia.

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In this article we intend to make a summary overview of the influence that literary production, originated under colonial mapping missions or later in travel writing, had in the construction and establishment of a discourse to advertise and promote tourism in Mauritania. To this end we will draw on travel narratives that are illustrative of different periods and that correspond in some way to discourses of otherness. In this specific case, such discourses relate to the “Moors” of the West African coast and were produced in various historical contexts. We will also consider the discourse present in the tourism promotion materials of the colonial period and we will demonstrate to what extent it can be engaged in a dialogue with 19th and 20th centuries’ Western colonial literature.

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Portugal was one of the first and most enduring European colonial powers of modern times: 1415 and 1975 mark the beginning and the end of a long empire cycle that left impressive imprints in many places. Since it started, the overseas expansion and the exploration of the colonial resources were closely articulated with state-building and the preservation of national independence. A forerunner at the Great Age of Discoveries, but a latecomer in the era of industrialization, in the 19th and early-20th centuries Portugal was a peripheral country, and the economic gap with the rich and industrialized core of Europe was wide. During this period, however, the country faced the critical challenge of ruling vast and geographically scattered overseas territories, and of preserving them from the greed of strong imperialist powers. This article starts by outlining the major developments in the Portuguese colonial policy over a century, since the 1820s until 1926. The independence of Brazil (1822) was a crucial turning point, which brought about a shift towards Africa. The First Republic (1910-1926), pervaded by a nationalist ideology, gave a new impetus to the efforts towards a more effective colonisation. Symptomatically, a Ministry of Colonies was then established for the first time. Second, it describes and analyses the transformation of the central office for colonial affairs – from a small ministerial department to an autonomous ministry -, stressing the increasing bureaucratic specialisation, the growth of the apparatus and its staff, and the introduction of new criteria for the selection and promotion of permanent officials (namely a higher profile given to careers in local colonial administration). Finally, it presents a collective biography of both the politicians (Cabinet ministers) and the administrators (directors-general) who ran the Colonial Office for a large period of the Constitutional Monarchy (from 1851 to 1910) and during the First Republic, thus enabling to assess the impact of regime change on elite circulation and career patterns.

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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

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This article revisits Michel Chevalier’s work and discussions of tariffs. Chevalier shifted from Saint-Simonism to economic liberalism during his life in the 19th century. His influence was soon perceived in the political world and economic debates, mainly because of his discussion of tariffs as instruments of efficient transport policies. This work discusses Chevalier’s thoughts on tariffs by revisiting his masterpiece, Le Cours d’Économie Politique. Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) was conducted to test Chevalier’s hypothesis on the inefficiency of French tariffs. This work showed that Chevalier’s claims on French tariffs are not validated by DEA.

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Dissertação de mestrado em Finanças