Gadamer, History and the Classics: Fugard, Marowitz, Berkoff and Harrison Rewrite the Theatre

Forsyth, A. (2002). Gadamer, History and the Classics: Fugard, Marowitz, Berkoff and Harrison Rewrite the Theatre. Studies in Literary Criticism and Theory: Vol. 15. New York: Peter Lang. RAE2008

Ben Marais (1909-1999): The influences on and heritage of a South African Prophet during two periods of transformation

University of Pretoria / Dissertation / Department of Church History and Church Policy / Advised by Prof J W Hofmeyr

Livelihood Strategies of Dock Workers in Durban, c. 1900-1959

This dissertation examines the livelihood strategies of African dock workers in Durban, South Africa, between the Anglo-Boer War and the 1959 strikes. These labourers did not conform to common conceptions of radical dock workers or conservative African migrant workers. While Marxist scholars have been correct to stress the working class consciousness of Durban’s dock workers, this consciousness was also more ambiguous. These workers and their leaders displayed a peculiar mix of concern for workers’ issues and defences of the rights and interests of African traders. Many of Durban’s dock workers were not only wage labourers. In fact, only a minority had wages as their only source of income. The Reserve economy played a role in sustaining the consumption levels of their households and, more importantly, more than half of the former dock workers interviewed for this research engaged in some form of commercial enterprise, often based on the pilferage and sale of cargoes. Some also teamed up with township women who sold pilfered goods while the men were at work. This combination of commercial strategies and wage labour has often been overlooked in the literature. By looking at these livelihood strategies, this dissertation considers how rural and urban economies interacted in households’ strategies and reinterprets the reproduction of labour and the household in order to move beyond dichotomies of proletarian versus rural consciousness. The dock workers’ households were neither proletarian households that were forced to reside in the countryside because of apartheid, nor traditional rural homesteads with a missing migrant member. The households were reproduced in three geographically separate spheres of production and consumption, none of which could reproduce the household on its own. These spheres were dependent on each other, but also separate, as physical distance gave the different household members some autonomy. Such multi-nodal households not only bridged the rural and the urban, but equally straddled the formal/informal divide. For many, their employment on the docks made their commercial enterprises possible, which allowed them to retire early from urban wage labour. Consequently, the interests of wage labourers could not be divorced from those of African small-scale entrepreneurs.

Bystander Narratives: The Fiction of J.M. Coetzee and the Holocaust

J.M. Coetzee’s novels are suffused with a pervasive, though often oblique, Holocaust awareness. Direct references to the event and to the historical era to which it belongs, subtle stylistic and thematic echoes of Holocaust writing, and the recurrent mobilization of Holocaust imagery in Coetzee’s novels all contribute to suggest the significance of the event to the author’s work and thought. Providing Coetzee with a lens through which to view the contemporary situation, both local and global, the Holocaust offers Coetzee a means by which difficult and complex questions of ethics and historiographical truth may be approached. Above all, the Holocaust and its representation contribute to Coetzee’s exploration of the dilemmas of translating the traumatic lived experience of atrocity – including, but not limited to, life in apartheid South Africa – into narrative form. Taken as a whole, Coetzee’s oeuvre initially anticipates and later responds to, in characteristically oblique fashion, the narrative project(s) facing post-apartheid South Africa as the newly-democratic nation sought to make sense of its past through a variety of means, the most important of which was the country’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Implicitly challenging the TRC’s findings as well as its narrative assumptions, the Coetzean oeuvre accordingly invites being read as offering a continuous and evolving counter-narrative to the TRC and its construction of a narrative of the apartheid past for the post-apartheid nation. In utilizing the Holocaust, its representations, and the reception thereof to frame his response to apartheid, Coetzee implicates both in a critique of the Western model of modernity, suggesting, in the process, the importance of reconfiguring modernity in a more ethical shape.

Short reflections on the history of African communication

This article aims to propose a chronological subdivision in the history of African communication. African communication today is one of the most important axes for implementing development strategies, sustaining education, health, and schooling programmes, and so on. However, many of these programmes fail due to a lack of or ineffective communication between international organisations, local elite and lay people. The reasons for this situation must be found in Africa’s history of communication, which has undergone radical transformations in its different phases. Using the functionalist analysis drawn up by Jakobson, this article proposes a new chronological subdivision of Africa’s history of communication, reflecting on the current contradictions in contemporary communication in Africa.

We Never Give Up II

Ten years after the production of the initial 'We Never Give Up' film, this documentary filmis a follow-up film about the experiences of ten survivors of South Africa apartheid and their struggle for reparations. Produced by the Human Rights Media Centre, Cape Town, the film was directed and filmed by Cahal McLaughlin in a collaborative relationship with Khulumani Support Group Western Cape.

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This documentary film, produced with the Human Rights Media Centre, Cape Town, and in collaboration with Khulumani Support Group Western Cape, is the ten-year follow up to We Never Give Up (2002), which addressed the issues of reparations as dealt with by the South African government and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. We Never Give Up II (2012) returns to these themes and to the same participants, asking how life has changed in the interim. The process of collaborative practices acknowledges the importance of sharing ownership/authorship in the storytelling processes as well as in validating traumatic experiences by those who survived major and sustained political violence. Made over a two-year period, involving close consultation with participants, the film offers insights, by those most directly affected, to what might constitute legal, financial, social and psychological reparations. The film has been screened in Cape Town, Bloemfontain, Zanzibar Film Festival, Belfast (Belfast Film Festival), Brighton, Guildford, Galway and London, always accompanied by discussion of the issues raised in Q&As. To emphasise the importance of the film for debates on policy around reparations, a 25 minute edited version was selected to be screened on SABC on ‘Special Assignment’ by SABC on April 29th, 2013 (South Africa’s ‘Freedom Day’), followed by a debate with Department of Justice spokesperson, Dr Khotso De Wee. The chapter 'Maureen Never Gave Up' in Daniels, McLaughlin and Pearce (eds.) 'Truth, Dare or Promise' (2013) Cambridge Scholars Press (ISBN: 1-4438-4959-6, ISBN 13: 978-1-4438-4959-3, Release Date: 2013-09-01), which analyses the production of this film, is offered as part of the portfolio.

'"To have its cake and eat it too:" US policy toward South Africa during the Kennedy administration

The assumption that US policy toward Africa was characterized by continuity during the cold war has recently been challenged by scholars who argue that President John F. Kennedy embarked on an African policy that was distinct from his predecessors. This may be true for black Africa, but Kennedy’s support for African nationalism did not extend to South Africa. This article reveals that Kennedy’s cold war priorities ensured continuity in US policy toward the apartheid state and, in some cases, additional cooperation as cold war crises increased the perceived importance of South Africa as an ideological and strategic ally and bastion against communism on a rapidly changing continent. This article also explores the role South Africa’s apartheid government played in this cold war alliance. The ruling National Party recognized its importance to US foreign policy goals and used this to stave off serious American criticism of its racial policies, deflect attention in the United Nations, and ensure continued economic and military cooperation with the United States.

Décolonisation et construction nationale Afrique, Asie et Québec

Remerciements -- Introduction générale: sortie du colonialisme et enjeux de l’édification des sociétés postcoloniales / Patrick Dramé, Pascal Scallon-Chouinard et Françoise Nozati.-- I. Le crépuscule du colonialisme: Les missionnaires catholiques à l’assaut des colonisés africains : un bilan historiographique / Benoît Chartier -- Gandhi, l’Inde coloniale et la philosophie de la non-violence / Julie-Anne Gaudreau -- L’Indonésie en quête d’indépendance : une étude historiographique / Jean-Philippe Martel. II. Les enjeux de l’affirmation d’une identité politique et culturelle : Les nouvelles constitutions africaines : influences et objectifs. Étude de cas du Bénin, du Ghana et du Sénégal / Victor Bilodeau -- La politique culturelle : porte-étendard de l’État et de la nation malienne / Pauline Fougère.—III Quand le Québec s’émancipe : Nègres blancs d’Amérique : entre critiques et dénonciations / Michael Bergeron -- Socialisme et décolonisation dans le Québec de la Révolution tranquille à travers La Revue socialiste et Parti Pris / Stéphanie Jodoin-- La dernière année de la guerre d’Algérie vue par Le Devoir / Myriam Alarie.-- IV. Mémoire traumatique et construction nationale : Les mémoires du génocide de 1904 dans le Sud-Ouest africain allemand / Estelle Bourbeau -- Une équipe, un pays : la réconciliation raciale post apartheid autour du rugby sud-africain / Marie-Claude Beauregard --Biographies des auteurs.

Migration, Space and Transnational Identities: The British in South Africa

This timely text explores the lives, histories and identities of white British-born immigrants in South Africa, twenty years after the post-apartheid Government took office. Drawing on over sixty in depth biographical interviews and ethnographic work in Johannesburg, Pietermaritzburg and Cape Town, Daniel Conway and Pauline Leonard analyse how British immigrants' relate to, participate in and embody South Africa's complex racial and political history. Through their everyday lives, political and social attitudes, relationships with the places and spaces of South Africa, as well as their expectations of the future, the complexities of their transnational, raced and classed identities and senses of belonging are revealed. Migration, Space and Transnational Identities makes an important contribution to sociological, geographical, political and anthropological debates on transnational migration, whiteness, Britishness and lifestyle, tourism and labour migration.

‘Wooden Man’? : Masculinities in the Work of J. M. Coetzee (Boyhood, Youth and Summertime)

In seeking to advance the possibility of justice, gender and postcolonial studies have argued for the importance of the study of masculinities, through the acknowledgment that a richer understanding of such gendered formations may provide the basis for recognition of the Other and that, left uncriticised, such formations may be continuously delineated by the reproduction of systems of domination. The current study finds as its object the representations of masculinities in J. M. Coetzee’s Boyhood (1997), Youth (2002) and Summertime (2009). As works of transition in terms of Coetzee’s oeuvre - post-apartheid and post-Disgrace - the trilogy provides an account of the development of a man through several stages of life. While portraying the tensions of different geographical and cultural locations, such as apartheid South Africa and the London of the Sixties, the trilogy articulates the various norms that impact in the formation of gender, particularly of masculinities, through a complex system of power relations. The adherence to such norms is never linear, as the trilogy provides imaginative accounts of the contradictions that assist in the formulation of gender, depicting both the allure and the terror that constitute hegemonic masculinity. Located in the intersection of gender and postcolonial studies, the present study is based on the works by Raewyn Connell on masculinities. Animated by such a critical framework, the main research question of the present study is whether the trilogy advances a notion of masculinity that differs from the traditional rigid model, that is, whether there is resistance to hegemonic masculinity and what the spaces inhabited by the subaltern are. It is suggested that the trilogy presents the reader with instances of resistance to normative formulations of masculinity, by contrasting domination with the possibility of justice, and advancing an understanding of the often fatal consequences of gender norms to one’s sense of being in the world.

Le revenu de citoyenneté : entre émancipation et assujettissement. L'exemple du Basic Income Grant en Namibie.

De la capacité d’une société à repenser ses liens sociaux, dépend son développement à la fois politique, social et économique. L’État peut, pour contribuer de manière déterminante à la production de sens, développer des outils, entre autres des mécanismes de redistribution, susceptibles d’assurer la solidarité et la cohésion sociale. L’enjeu est d’importance pour certains pays comme la Namibie, dont l'histoire est marquée par le colonialisme et l'apartheid ─desquels il s'est libéré il y a à peine plus de vingt ans─ et qui sont construits sur une logique de séparation inégalitaire des droits et des ressources. À partir de l'exemple du Basic Income Grant (BIG), projet-pilote de revenu citoyen garanti mis en place dans un village de la Namibie entre 2007 et 2009, ce mémoire propose d'explorer l'apport du concept d'empowerment dans ce projet en tant qu'outil de déconstruction de ces structures inégalitaires. Après avoir exposé différentes conceptions des notions de pauvreté, de richesse et de développement, nous aborderons la question du revenu citoyen garanti et de la place qu'il peut prendre dans différents systèmes de protection sociale. Puis, nous tenterons de mieux cerner le concept d'empowerment pour finalement arriver à répondre à notre principal questionnement: le projet BIG permet-il effectivement l'émancipation ou au contraire, fait-il en sorte de renforcer le sentiment de dépendance et d'impuissance vécu par la communauté isolée, vivant dans des conditions d'extrême précarité? Des entrevues ont pour ce faire été conduites auprès de 15 participants, soit des membres du village d'Otjivero, des intervenants engagés dans le regroupement d'acteurs de la société civile namibienne étant à la source de l'initiative, et des représentants gouvernementaux. L’analyse de ces résultats est présentée en dernière partie de travail.

Les articulations de l'arabité et du genre à travers les chaines d'équivalence : le cas de Uprising of Women in the Arab World

Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’intéresse aux nouvelles expressions protestataires qui ont émergé après les soulèvements connus sous le « printemps arabe » en prenant, comme objet d’analyse, Uprising of Women in the Arab World (UWAW), une page Facebook qui œuvre pour les droits des femmes à travers le « monde arabe ». Ce travail propose de saisir cette page Facebook à travers les croisements d’enjeux d’arabité et de genre, dans une perspective discursive critique. La notion d’arabité désigne une appartenance commune au « monde arabe » qui reposerait sur la production de référents religieux et linguistiques partagés par l’ensemble des pays arabes. Le genre est abordé comme un langage privilégié pour signifier les rapports de pouvoir (Scott, 1988). Afin de mettre en lumière les différentes intersections de l’arabité et du genre, je propose de recourir au concept d’articulation (Hall, 1980). Ce dernier réfère à l’assemblage de différentes pratiques de production qui constituent un discours. Cette mise en relation, non-nécessaire, s’effectue dans une conjoncture régie par les forces hégémoniques du moment. Ainsi, le concept d’articulation permet d’explorer ce que font dans leur (co)présence les discours hétérogènes par et dans lesquels l’arabité et le genre sont rendus visibles dans et à travers la page UWAW. Ces articulations sont questionnées à partir du concept de chaine d’équivalence de Laclau (2008) qui désigne une condensation de revendications hétérogènes, à travers des relations d’équivalence et de différence. Ces dernières se produisent à travers l’affirmation des particularités des revendications, tandis que les relations d’équivalence sont basées sur la mise en avant de la communalité des revendications. Cette recherche est guidée par la proposition de recherche suivante : UWAW peut être comprise comme un espace discursif traversé par des chaines d’équivalences où les articulations de l’arabité et du genre se matérialiseraient selon des relations d’équivalence et de différence. Elle fait l’objet d’une analyse critique de trois campagnes ayant eu cours sur l’UWAW en 2014. Ces dernières sont abordées comme des lieux de discours, soit des espaces construits dans et par un recours à des discours spécifiques qui participent à la production de savoirs situés dont ils sont aussi, de quelque manière, les produits. Ainsi, l’analyse s’attarde à comprendre comment la production de sens repose sur des discours concurrentiels qui puisent dans des savoirs différents qu’ils contribuent à faire circuler. L’analyse démontre la grande hétérogénéité de l’arabité qui s’est manifestée sous un visage distinct dans chaque campagne. Elle est homogénéisée et universalisée dans Do You know, clivée dans Israël Apartheid Week, et citoyenne dans « Je ne resterai pas silencieuse ». Le genre est davantage stabilisé, puisqu’il agit principalement comme force universalisante dans les trois campagnes.

Insurrecciones no armadas : movimientos de poder popular en regímenes autoritarios

En las dos últimas décadas del siglo XX, una oleada de movimientos de “poder popular” estalló en países no democráticos. Kurt Schock compara los éxitos del movimiento Anti-Apartheid en Sudáfrica, el movimiento de Poder Popular en Filipinas, el movimiento Prodemocracia en Nepal, y el Movimiento Antimilitarista en Tailandia, con los fracasos de los movimientos de prodemocracia en China y el desafío contra el régimen en Burma. Al examinar cómo esos métodos de protesta promovieron cambios del régimen en algunos países, pero no en otros, este libro proporciona un singular discernimiento en un campo que ha sido examinado con superficialidad y que es poco entendido, este es el del poder de la acción no-violenta.

Análisis de Sudáfrica como “potencia regional pacificadora”, durante el periodo de gobierno de Thabo Mbeki desde 1999 hasta Junio de 2008

Bajo el mandato del presidente Thabo Mbeki, Sudáfrica se ha perfilado como una potencia regional pacificadora, en tanto, legitimado por su lucha contra el régimen del apartheid y con los recursos provenientes del sostenido crecimiento económico tan inusual en el África subsahariana, se ha involucrado con la agenda de paz y seguridad continental, basado en los lineamientos panafricanos del Renacimiento Africano. Si bien este rol sudafricano conlleva grandes costos, materializados en tener que enfrentar las críticas de sus vecinos por la intromisión en los asuntos internos de los demás países, la cesión de soberanía a instituciones internacionales que constriñen la actuación del Estado, la destinación de recursos al financiamiento de las misiones de paz que podrían ser utilizados para responder las demandas socioeconómicas internas y la priorización del mercado africano ante la real importancia del continente asiático y el europeo como socios comerciales; es claro que los beneficios son mayores. En primera medida, el grado de formalización e institucionalización de los esquemas regionales de cooperación e integración en los que Sudáfrica se ha insertado, es relativamente bajo. Segundo, el despliegue de fuerzas para el mantenimiento de paz en la región es una apuesta a largo plazo con enormes beneficios como la consolidación de un vecindario seguro y mejores perspectivas de crecimiento económico. Por último, justificado en su labor pacificadora, el país obtiene el prestigio internacional necesario para exigir y alcanzar el tan anhelado puesto permanente en el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU.

Análisis de la violencia estructural en Sudáfrica (1994-2010)

A pesar de los visibles avances logrados después de la finalización del Régimen del Apartheid, Sudáfrica evidencia la continuación de una serie de formas de Violencia, (Violencia Cultural-Directa-Estructural) destacándose la Violencia Estructural del Sistema (Desigualdades sociales).