873 resultados para Agenda Setting
Resumo:
This article focuses on the EU’s strategy for choosing regulatory venues to negotiate trade agreements. It analyses the existence of a clear venue hierarchy since the late 1990s and the recent change leading to a blurring of any clear preference for using bilateral, inter-regional or multilateral settings. The article challenges domestic explanations of the EU’s choice of venue, stressing the autonomy of the Commission as a major factor. Using a principal-agent framework, it shows that the Commission’s agenda-setting powers, the existence of interest divergence among principals (e.g. Member States, business groups) and the multi-level system facilitate agency.
Resumo:
The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) is responsible for risk assessment and risk management in the post-market surveillance of the U.S. medical device industry. One of the FDA regulatory mechanisms, the Medical Device Reporting System (MDR) is an adverse event reporting system intended to provide the FDA with advance warning of device problems. It includes voluntary reporting for individuals, and mandatory reporting for device manufacturers. ^ In a study of alleged breast implant safety problems, this research examines the organizational processes by which the FDA gathers data on adverse events and uses adverse event reporting systems to assess and manage risk. The research reviews the literature on problem recognition, risk perception, and organizational learning to understand the influence highly publicized events may have on adverse event reporting. Understanding the influence of an environmental factor, such as publicity, on adverse event reporting can provide insight into the question of whether the FDA's adverse event reporting system operates as an early warning system for medical device problems. ^ The research focuses on two main questions. The first question addresses the relationship between publicity and the voluntary and mandatory reporting of adverse events. The second question examines whether government agencies make use of these adverse event reports. ^ Using quantitative and qualitative methods, a longitudinal study was conducted of the number and content of adverse event reports regarding breast implants filed with the FDA's medical device reporting system during 1985–1991. To assess variation in publicity over time, the print media were analyzed to identify articles related to breast implant failures. ^ The exploratory findings suggest that an increase in media activity is related to an increase in voluntary reporting, especially following periods of intense media coverage of the FDA. However, a similar relationship was not found between media activity and manufacturers' mandatory adverse event reporting. A review of government committee and agency reports on the FDA published during 1976–1996 produced little evidence to suggest that publicity or MDR information contributed to problem recognition, agenda setting, or the formulation of policy recommendations. ^ The research findings suggest that the reporting of breast implant problems to FDA may reflect the perceptions and concerns of the reporting groups, a barometer of the volume and content of media attention. ^
Resumo:
Theoretischer Hintergrund: Im Therapieprozess findet eine ständige reziproke Einflussnahme zwischen Patient und Therapeut statt (Strong & Claiborn, 1982). Ein hypothetisches Ziel des Patienten ist es dabei, einen bestimmten Eindruck von sich zu vermitteln. Dieses Ziel ist insbesondere im Erstkontakt wichtig. Während sich die Forschung v.a. mit den Beeinflussungsstrategien des Therapeuten beschäftigte, existieren bisher kaum Studien, die das Beeinflussungsverhalten des Patienten untersuchten. Diese Studie soll deshalb eine Übersicht über die häufigsten Beeinflussungstaktiken bieten, die Patienten im Erstgespräch zeigen. Methoden: 12 Beeinflussungsstrategien wurden aufgrund der Erfahrung von praktizierenden Psychotherapeuten sowie verschiedener theoretischer Konzeptionen der Therapiebeziehung formuliert. Die Taktiken lauten: Gute Stimmung erzeugen, positive Rückmeldungen geben, negative Rückmeldungen geben, inhaltliche Vermeidung, emotionale Vermeidung, Agenda setting, Therapeuten zu Stellungnahme bewegen, negative Berichte über Dritte, Plausibilitätsfallen, Leidensdruck verdeutlichen, Self-promotion und Psychologisieren. Die Daten wurden von vier geschulten Beurteilern analysiert. Ergebnisse: Untersucht wurden Video-Aufzeichnungen von 60 Erstgesprächen, die an der psychotherapeutischen Praxisstelle der Universität Bern durchgeführt wurden. Ergebnisse zur Häufigkeit der verschiedenen Beeinflussungstaktiken sowie deren Zusammenhang mit verschiedenen Patientenmerkmalen werden präsentiert. Diskussion: Die Resultate werden vor dem Hintergrund verschiedener Theorien der Therapiebeziehung (z.B. Interpersonale Theorie und Psychotherapie, Control Mastery Theorie, Plananalyse) diskutiert. In der Praxis kann die Kenntnis der Beeinflussungstaktiken insbesondere unerfahrenen Psychotherapeuten helfen, sich auf die Interaktion mit verschiedenen Patienten einzustellen und die Therapiebeziehung je nach Anforderungen individuell zu gestalten.
Resumo:
Eine vergleichende Analyse der Regulierung von Schwangerschaftsabbrüchen und gleichgeschlechtlichen Partnerschaften in Westeuropa im Zeitraum von 1960 bis 2010 zeigt, dass katholisch geprägte Staaten diese Bereiche grundsätzlich nicht weniger stark liberalisiert haben als andere Länder. Allerdings drosselt der Katholizismus offensichtlich die Geschwindigkeit von Reformprozessen. Auf Basis einer detaillierten explorativen Analyse der Politikentwicklungen in Österreich, das sehr früh die Gesetzgebung zum Schwangerschaftsabbruch lockerte, jedoch bei der Einführung registrierter homosexueller Partnerschaften lange zögerte, leiten wir induktiv theoretische Implikationen ab: Die katholische Kirche kann permissive Reformen so lange verhindern, wie institutionelle und kulturelle Gelegenheitsstrukturen nicht der säkular-liberalen Opposition behilflich sind, erfolgreiches Agenda-Setting zu betreiben und Mehrheiten für einen Politikwechsel zu gewinnen.
Resumo:
Europeanization challenges national democratic systems. As part and parcel of the broader internationalization of politics, Europeanization is associated with a shift from policymaking within majoritarian, elected representative bodies towards technocratic decisions among non-majoritarian and non-elected bodies (Kohler-Koch and Rittberger 2008, Lavenex 2013). It is thus said to weaken the influence of citizens and parliaments on the making of policies and to undermine democratic collective identity (Lavenex 2013, Schimmelfennig 2010). The weakening of national parliaments has been referred to as “de-parliamentarisation” (Goetz and Meyer-Sahling 2008) and has nurtured a broader debate regarding the democratic deficit in the EU. While not being a member of the EU, Switzerland has not remained unaffected by these changes. As discussed in the contribution by Fischer and Sciarini, state executive actors take the lead in Switzerland's European policy. They are responsible for the conduct of international negotiations, they own the treaty making power, and it is up to them to decide whether they wish to launch a negotiation with the EU. In addition, the strong take-it or leave-it character of Europeanized acts limits the room for manoeuver of the parliamentary body also in the ratification phase. Among the public, the rejection of the treaty on the European constitution has definitely closed the era of “permissive consensus” (Hooghe and Marks 2009). However, the process of European unification remains far remote from the European public. In Switzerland, the strongly administrative character of international legislation hinders public discussion (Vögeli 2007). In such a context, the media may serve as cue for the public: By delivering information about the extent and nature of Europeanized policymaking, the media enable citizens to form their own opinions and to hold their representatives accountable. In this sense media coverage may not only be considered an indicator of the information delivered to the public, but it may also enhance the democratic legitimacy of Europeanized policymaking (for a similar argument, see Tresch and Jochum 2005). While the previous contributions to this debate have examined the Europeanization of Swiss (primary and secondary) legislation, we take a closer look at two additional domestic arenas that are both supposed to be under pressure due to Europeanization: The parliament and the media. To that end, we rely on data gathered in a research project that two of us carried out in the context of the NCCR Democracy.1 While this project was primarily interested in the mediatization of decision-making processes in Switzerland, it also investigated the conditional role played by internationalization/Europeanization. For our present purposes, we shall exploit the two data-sets that were developed as part of a study of the political agenda-setting power of the media (Sciarini and Tresch 2012, 2013, Tresch et al. 2013): A data-set on issue attention in parliamentary interventions (initiatives, motions, postulates,2 interpellations and questions) and a data-set on issue attention in articles from the Neue Zürcher Zeitung (NZZ). The data covers the years 1995 to 2003 and the coding of issues followed the classification system developed in the “Policy Agendas Project” (Baumgartner and Jones 1993).
Resumo:
Therapists having a positive influence on patients is a common view of psychotherapy. There is, however, an influence of patients on therapists too, which has received less attention. The more restricted and rigid patients are, the more limited the interpersonal behavior of others with which the get along well. In line with social psychological, interpersonal and clinical models they try to bring the therapist into an interpersonal position which suits them well. With 60 patients, common strategies have been rated: Good mood, Positive feedback, Negative feedback, Agenda setting, Provoking a response from the therapist, Negative reports about third persons, Fait accompli, Supplication, Self-promotion, Avoidance of contents, und Emotional avoidance. The rating procedure, frequencies, and therapist reactions upon these patient strategies will be reported
Resumo:
Community health workers (CHWs) are volunteers or paid members of communities that perform outreach, patient assistance, health education, and assist in navigation of healthcare system amongst other duties. The utilization of CHWs in hospital and community setting provides health benefits to their communities while reducing cost to the overall healthcare system. ^ The general population of Texas lacks adequate access to primary care. An important indicator of such a crisis is excessive usage of emergency department services in Texas, especially by the large minority population within the state. Also, unmanaged chronic diseases have been shown to be correlated with the excessive usage of emergency services. According to a recent survey of 25 Houston metropolitan area hospitals, almost 54% of the ER visits could have been resolved in primary care settings. A Galveston based study also indicated that the ER usage was higher amongst African-Americans and Latinos. Meanwhile, 28.5% of the total ER visits were made by Latinos from the surrounding areas (Begley et al., 2007). There is substantial evidence present which indicates enormous cost-savings that CHWs have produced in Texas and nationwide through reduction in unnecessary ER visits along with better management of chronic diseases (Fedder et al, 2003). ^ This paper provides an analysis regarding the need and importance for sustainable and stable sources of funding for Community health workers (CHWs) in Texas utilizing Kingdon's model of Agenda Setting as framework. The policy analysis is also aimed at reporting on the policy process and actions taken by Children at Risk to address this critical issue. Children at Risk, a Houston based advocacy organization, has created a legislative proposal that calls on the Texas Health and Human Commission to apply for a Medicaid §§1115 waiver to provide sustainable sources of funding for CHWs, Rep. John Zerwas sponsored HB 2244 bill and it was filed on March 3, 2011. The bill would affect the use of CHWs in Texas in two ways: 1) through the establishment and operation of a program designed to train and educate CHWs 2) by creating a statewide training and certification advisory committee. The advisory committee is required in the bill to submit recommendations for providing sustainable funding and employment for CHWs. The HB 2244 failed to move out of the House Public Health committee. However, HB2244 was amended into HB 2610 introduced by Representative Guillen. The House Bill 2610 is geared towards establishing a community-based navigator program in order to assist individuals applying for public assistance through the Internet. The House Bill 2610 was signed by the Governor and will be effective September 1, 2011.^
Resumo:
How are different positions reconciled under decision making by consensus in international agreements? This article aims to answer this question. Consensus rule provides each participant a veto, which risks resulting in non-agreement. Taking ASEAN as a case study of international organizations that have adopted consensus rule as the main decision-making procedure, this article presents the chairship system as an analytical scheme to examine how different positions are or are not reconciled under consensus rule. The system is based on conventional knowledge regarding the chair in international conference, which can be defined as an institution where the role of the chair is taken by one member state in an international organization and plays a role in agenda-setting. The agenda-setting power given to the chair varies across organizations. This article assumes that the chair in ASEAN is given a relatively strong agenda-setting power to enable the chair to reach agreements and bias such agreements in its own favor.
Resumo:
Este estudo investiga as convergências e as divergências na comunicação primária e na comunicação secundária do câncer de mama. Nós usamos um esquema interpretativo fornecido pela Análise de Enquadramento, Agenda Setting, Teoria do Aprendizado Social, Difusão de Inovações, Semiótica e conceito de Novidade na Ciência e no Jornalismo, para argumentar que cientistas e jornalistas comunicam as novidades da Ciência de modos diversos. Também tivemos como uma proposta secundária traçar um panorama histórico da Comunicação da Saúde, e sua evolução, considerando que a Comunicação empreendeu um esforço para legitimar um espaço de encontro com a Saúde, afirmando uma área de aplicação de teorias, princípios e técnicas comunicacionais, com o objetivo preciso de difundir e compartilhar informação, conhecimentos e práticas que contribuam para melhorar os sistemas de saúde e o bem-estar das populações. Através da análise dos dados de periódicos científicos e jornalísticos que divulgam o câncer de mama, nós encontramos apoio significante para nossas predições. As implicações destas diferenças entre a comunicação primária (interpares) e a comunicação secundária (público leigo) para a comunicação da saúde são discutidas, às vezes apresentando-se como convergências, às vezes como divergências. Quando bem esclarecidas e compreendidas, fazem avançar a Comunicação da Saúde, obtendo resultados positivos no bem-estar das populações, considerando que a origem das doen ças está, fundamentalmente, onde se entrelaçam o biológico e o social.(AU)
Resumo:
Este estudo investiga as convergências e as divergências na comunicação primária e na comunicação secundária do câncer de mama. Nós usamos um esquema interpretativo fornecido pela Análise de Enquadramento, Agenda Setting, Teoria do Aprendizado Social, Difusão de Inovações, Semiótica e conceito de Novidade na Ciência e no Jornalismo, para argumentar que cientistas e jornalistas comunicam as novidades da Ciência de modos diversos. Também tivemos como uma proposta secundária traçar um panorama histórico da Comunicação da Saúde, e sua evolução, considerando que a Comunicação empreendeu um esforço para legitimar um espaço de encontro com a Saúde, afirmando uma área de aplicação de teorias, princípios e técnicas comunicacionais, com o objetivo preciso de difundir e compartilhar informação, conhecimentos e práticas que contribuam para melhorar os sistemas de saúde e o bem-estar das populações. Através da análise dos dados de periódicos científicos e jornalísticos que divulgam o câncer de mama, nós encontramos apoio significante para nossas predições. As implicações destas diferenças entre a comunicação primária (interpares) e a comunicação secundária (público leigo) para a comunicação da saúde são discutidas, às vezes apresentando-se como convergências, às vezes como divergências. Quando bem esclarecidas e compreendidas, fazem avançar a Comunicação da Saúde, obtendo resultados positivos no bem-estar das populações, considerando que a origem das doen ças está, fundamentalmente, onde se entrelaçam o biológico e o social.(AU)
Resumo:
The thesis investigates if with the free news production, people who post information on collaborative content sites, known as interacting, tend to reproduce information that was scheduled for Tv news. This study is a comparison of the collaborative content vehicles Vc reporter, Vc no G1 and Eu reporter with TV news SBT Brasil, Jornal Nacional, Jornal da Record and Jornal da Band. We sought to determine whether those newscasts guide the collaborative platforms. The hypothesis assumes that Brazilian TV news have been building over time a credible relationship with the viewer, so it is possible to think that the interacting use the same criteria for selecting the broadcasts and reproduce similar information in collaborative content sites. The method used was content analysis, based on the study of Laurence Bardin and the type of research used was quantitative. This research concluded that, within a small portion of the universe surveyed, there are schedules of television news across the collaborative content.
Resumo:
For more than a decade, bemoaning the many roadblocks to reforming important aspect of German politics has become commonplace. Explanations emphasize formal and informal veto points, such as the role of political institutions and the lack of elite and societal support for reform initiatives. Against this background, I was interested in factors that place policy issues on the political agenda and follow up with concrete courses of action; i.e., in factors that lead to a disentangling of the reform gridlock. I emphasize the importance of agenda setting in the emergence of higher education reform in Germany. Globalization, European integration and domestic pressures combined to create new pressures for change. In response, an advocacy coalition of old and new political actors has introduced a drawn-out and ongoing process of value reorientation in the direction of competition, including international competition, and greater autonomy. The result has been a burst of activities, some moderate, some more far-reaching in their potential to restructure German higher education.
Resumo:
The policy of the European Union (EU) towards Taiwan has mostly been analysed either as a by-product of EU-China relations or with reference to the general lack of a European geopolitical approach towards East Asia. By adopting a lobbying approach which focusses on Taiwan’s different ‘channels of influence’ within the complex European foreign policy system in Brussels, this study provides new insights into the functioning of EU-Taiwan relations. It also sheds new light on the implications of the radical change in Taiwanese diplomacy after 2008, when Chen Shui-bian’s assertive and identity-based diplomacy was replaced with the Kuomintang’s new dogma of ‘workable diplomacy’. Based on semi-guided interviews with Taiwanese and European actors, this paper examines why Taiwanese lobbying in Brussels, albeit very active and professional, is not salient enough to meet the challenges arising from the overwhelming Chinese competition and from the increasing proliferation of regional trade agreements – with active EU participation – in the Asia-Pacific region. It argues that the pragmatic ‘workable diplomacy’ approach, while smoothing out working-level relations between Taiwan and the EU, fails to attract a sufficient degree of political and public attention in Europe to the Taiwan question and thus fosters the neglect of Taiwan by European foreign policy-makers. The main challenge faced by Taiwanese diplomacy, however, is not simply one of convincing through technical arguments, but one of agenda setting, that is, of redefining European priorities in Taiwan’s favour.
Resumo:
The aim of the present article is to understand the dynamics underlying the birth, the development and the eventual failure of the Duff proposal of 2009-2012, an ambitious attempt to change the provisions governing the elections for the European Parliament. In particular, the way agenda-setting on electoral reform is shaped in the European Union will be analysed, trying to understand if the current stalemate on the issue can be explained in light of factors specific to the EU. The report presented by liberal MEP Andrew Duff at the beginning of the seventh legislature called on Member States to gather a Convention, in order to introduce fundamental improvements in the way Members of the European Parliament are elected. Among the envisaged changes, the creation of a pan-European constituency to elect twenty-five Members on transnational lists represented the most controversial issue. After having analysed its main elements, the path of the Duff report from the committee of Constitutional Affairs (AFCO) to the plenary will be analysed. It will be concluded that a sharp contrast exists between the way electoral issues are raised in the AFCO committee and the way the Parliament as a whole deals with them. Moreover, diverging interests between national delegations inside groups seem to play a decisive role in hampering electoral reform. While further research is needed to corroborate the present findings, the analysis of the Duff proposal appears to shed light on the different barriers that ensure electoral reform is taken off the agenda of the Union, and on the relative weight each of them carries.
Resumo:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06