Giving Afghan women a voice:Women's writing in Afghanistan.

This article considers how far women's rights have improved in Afghanistan since the intervention by the international community in 2001. It examines this question through the author's experience of working with an Afghan women's writing group. It looks at the tension between allowing Afghan women to voice their experiences, and the danger of their writing embracing depictions of the female as ‘victim’. It concludes that while depictions of Afghan womanhood may appear to promote ‘negative’ images, the women themselves offer positive role models.

Les échecs de la mission canadienne en Afghanistan : déficits de sécurité humaine

La mission canadienne en Afghanistan constitue la plus longue intervention étrangère de l'histoire du pays et a été marquée par un effort important dans la province de Kandahar depuis 2006. Aujourd'hui, il s'avère que la mission à Kandahar présente des échecs importants. Afin d'appréhender la nature de ces échecs, ce travail propose des pistes de réflexions pour améliorer notre compréhension face à cet enjeu. Pour ce faire, le mémoire se questionne à savoir dans quelle mesure le Canada a-t-il respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine au sein de sa mission à Kandahar? La mission britannique dans la province de Helmand en Afghanistan est également utilisée comme outil de comparaison. En guise d'hypothèse, il est proposé que le Canada n'a pas respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine et que cela pourrait contribuer à la compréhension des échecs de la mission à Kandahar. D'abord, les bilans détaillés de ces missions sont présentés et il est démontré que la mission britannique a connu un meilleur bilan que la mission canadienne. Ensuite, à l'aide de la méthode de l'analyse de contenu et d'un codage, les missions canadiennes et britanniques sont analysées afin de déterminer leur correspondance respective face à l'approche de sécurité humaine. Les résultats démontrent que la mission britannique respecte l'approche de sécurité humaine de façon plus importante que la mission canadienne. Finalement, une analyse documentaire propose des pistes de réflexions afin de comprendre en quoi ce déficit de sécurité humaine pourrait permettre d'expliquer les échecs de cette mission lors de futures recherches. Ce mémoire apporte donc deux conclusions. D'abord, la mission canadienne n'a pas respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine malgré le fait que le Canada ait affirmé l'avoir fait. De plus, il est clair que le non-respect de l'approche de sécurité humaine constitue une avenue intéressante afin de comprendre les insuccès canadiens.

Les échecs de la mission canadienne en Afghanistan : déficits de sécurité humaine

La mission canadienne en Afghanistan constitue la plus longue intervention étrangère de l'histoire du pays et a été marquée par un effort important dans la province de Kandahar depuis 2006. Aujourd'hui, il s'avère que la mission à Kandahar présente des échecs importants. Afin d'appréhender la nature de ces échecs, ce travail propose des pistes de réflexions pour améliorer notre compréhension face à cet enjeu. Pour ce faire, le mémoire se questionne à savoir dans quelle mesure le Canada a-t-il respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine au sein de sa mission à Kandahar? La mission britannique dans la province de Helmand en Afghanistan est également utilisée comme outil de comparaison. En guise d'hypothèse, il est proposé que le Canada n'a pas respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine et que cela pourrait contribuer à la compréhension des échecs de la mission à Kandahar. D'abord, les bilans détaillés de ces missions sont présentés et il est démontré que la mission britannique a connu un meilleur bilan que la mission canadienne. Ensuite, à l'aide de la méthode de l'analyse de contenu et d'un codage, les missions canadiennes et britanniques sont analysées afin de déterminer leur correspondance respective face à l'approche de sécurité humaine. Les résultats démontrent que la mission britannique respecte l'approche de sécurité humaine de façon plus importante que la mission canadienne. Finalement, une analyse documentaire propose des pistes de réflexions afin de comprendre en quoi ce déficit de sécurité humaine pourrait permettre d'expliquer les échecs de cette mission lors de futures recherches. Ce mémoire apporte donc deux conclusions. D'abord, la mission canadienne n'a pas respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine malgré le fait que le Canada ait affirmé l'avoir fait. De plus, il est clair que le non-respect de l'approche de sécurité humaine constitue une avenue intéressante afin de comprendre les insuccès canadiens.

Self-defence against terrorism in the post 9/11 world

In 1986 the then United States Secretary of State George Shultz asserted that: It is absurd to argue that international law prohibits us from capturing terrorists in international waters or airspace; from attacking them on the soil of other nations, even for the purpose of rescuing hostages; or from using force against states that support, train and harbor terrorists or guerrillas. At that time the United States’ claim of a right to use military force in self-defence against terrorism2 received little support from other states.3 The predominant view then was that terrorist attacks committed by private or non-state actors were a form of criminal activity to be combated through domestic and international criminal justice mechanisms. The notion that such terrorist acts should be treated as ‘armed attacks’ triggering a victim state’s right of self-defence was not accepted by the majority of states. To suggest, as Shultz had done, that a state not directly responsible for terrorist acts could have its territorial integrity violated by military action targeting terrorists located within that state, was a controversial proposition in 1986. However, some fifteen years later, when the United States and a coalition of allies launched a military campaign in Afghanistan following the 11 September 2001 (hereafter ‘9/11’) terrorist attacks, there was virtually unanimous international support for the use of force.

Journalists at war

Journalism is an especially hazardous profession when it takes the reporter into zones of war and conflict. The Committee to Protect Journalists records that in 2010 44 journalists were killed while carrying out their duties. Some of these were reporting conflict in Afghanistan, Somalia, Iraq and elsewhere. Others were on assignments covering crime and corruption in Mexico, Russia, Venezuela*all places where telling truth to power can easily get you killed, beaten or banged up. In the last 20 years some 874 journalists have been killed on the job, and we salute them all. Journalists get criticised a lot by we scholars, and often for good reason. They can be villains, for sure, but they can also be heroes, when they lay down their lives in the pursuit of the truth. As this piece was being edited, photojournalists Tim Hetherington and Chris Hondros were killed in Libya.

Introduction to special issue on what criminology can say about the war on terror

On 20 September 2001, the former US President, George W. Bush, declared what is now widely, and arguably infamously, known as a ‘war on terror’. In response to the fatal 9/11 attacks in New York and Washington, DC, President Bush identified the US military response as having far-reaching and long-lasting consequences. It was, he argued, ‘our war on terror’ that began ‘with al Qaeda, but … it will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped and defeated’ (CNN 2001). This was to be a war that would, in the words of former British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, seek to eliminate a threat that was ‘aimed at the whole democratic world’ (Blair 2001). Blair claimed that this threat is of such magnitude that unprecedented measures would need to be taken to uphold freedom and security. Blair would later admit that it was a war that ‘divided the country’ and was based on evidence ‘about Saddam having actual biological and chemical weapons, as opposed to the capability to develop them, has turned out to be wrong’ (Blair 2004). The failures of intelligence ushered in new political rhetoric in the form of ‘trust me’ because ‘instinct is no science’ (Blair 2004). The war on terror has been one of the most significant international events in the past three decades, alongside the collapse of the former Soviet Union, the end of apartheid in South Africa, the unification of Europe and the marketization of the People's Republic of China. Yet, unlike the other events, it will not be remembered for advancing democracy or sovereignty, but for the conviction politics of particular politicians who chose to dispense with international law and custom in pursuit of personal instincts that proved fatal. Since the invasions of Afghanistan in October 2001 and …

Tolerance, Freedom, Justice and Peace?: Britain, Australia and anti-Muslim Racism in the UK and Australia before 11 September 2001

Since 11 September 2001, Muslim minorities have experienced intensive "othering" in “Western” countries, above all in those US-led anglophone nations which invaded Afghanistan and Iraq to prosecute their "war on terror". This paper examines the cases of Britain and Australia, where whole communities of Muslims have been criminalised as "evil" and a "fifth column" enemy within by media, politicians, the security services and the criminal justice system. Although constituted by disparate ethnic groups, the targeted communities in each of these nations have experienced similar treatment in the State's anti-terrorist measures, as well as ideological responses and everyday racism, making comparable the two cases.

Education : South Asia

South Asia, a source of great literary and literacy traditions and a generator of great philosophies, also contains a large percentage of illiterate people, the majority of them women. South Asia includes India, Pakistan, Bhutan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Burma and Afghanistan. The progress of these countries is dependent on female literacy because health, hygiene, and nutrition problems can be partly overcome through educating women. “Illiteracy is closely related to underdevelopment and poverty, and the elimination of illiteracy represents an essential condition for the development and well-being of peoples and nations" (UNESCO PROAP, 1989: II ). In South Asia, women constitute nearly two- thirds of illiterate adults. There is an inherent contradiction in the region between modern amenities, modern educational systems, and advanced communication systems, on the one hand, and the high level of illiteracy and significant backwardness, on the other.

The comparative behaviour of two combat boots under impact

Background Improvised explosive devices have become the characteristic weapon of conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. While little can be done to mitigate against the effects of blast in free-field explosions, scaled blast simulations have shown that the combat boot can attenuate the effects on the vehicle occupants of anti-vehicular mine blasts. Although the combat boot offers some protection to the lower limb, its behaviour at the energies seen in anti-vehicular mine blast has not been documented previously. Methods The sole of eight same-size combat boots from two brands currently used by UK troops deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan were impacted at energies of up to 518 J, using a spring-assisted drop rig. Results The results showed that the Meindl Desert Fox combat boot consistently experienced a lower peak force at lower impact energies and a longer time-to-peak force at higher impact energies when compared with the Lowa Desert Fox combat boot. Discussion This reduction in the peak force and extended rise time, resulting in a lower energy transfer rate, is a potentially positive mitigating effect in terms of the trauma experienced by the lower limb. Conclusion Currently, combat boots are tested under impact at the energies seen during heel strike in running. Through the identification of significantly different behaviours at high loading, this study has shown that there is rationale in adding the performance of combat boots under impact at energies above those set out in international standards to the list of criteria for the selection of a combat boot.

In-vehicle extremity injuries from improvised explosive devices : current and future foci

The conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan have been epitomized by the insurgents’ use of the improvised explosive device against vehicle-borne security forces. These weapons, capable of causing multiple severely injured casualties in a single incident, pose the most prevalent single threat to Coalition troops operating in the region. Improvements in personal protection and medical care have resulted in increasing numbers of casualties surviving with complex lower limb injuries, often leading to long-term disability. Thus, there exists an urgent requirement to investigate and mitigate against the mechanism of extremity injury caused by these devices. This will necessitate an ontological approach, linking molecular, cellular and tissue interaction to physiological dysfunction. This can only be achieved via a collaborative approach between clinicians, natural scientists and engineers, combining physical and numerical modelling tools with clinical data from the battlefield. In this article, we compile existing knowledge on the effects of explosions on skeletal injury, review and critique relevant experimental and computational research related to lower limb injury and damage and propose research foci required to drive the development of future mitigation technologies.

Post-disaster reconstruction projects : a logical framework for community participation

In a post-disaster environment, housing reconstruction projects frequently face enormous difficulties due to the various, often apparently ill-considered, internal and external factors. Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) operating in post-disaster settings such as in Afghanistan continue to face blame over the failure of reconstruction projects, and worse, they are sometimes even viewed as being corrupt entities. While it is not always possible for NGOs to eliminate or reduce the impact of factors that are outside their control, they certainly can increase the chances of project success by placing considerable emphasis on working more effectively with the affected communities. To achieve maximum community participation in reconstruction projects , this research develops a specific logical framework to guide the process of community participation in post-disaster housing reconstruction in Afghanistan.

Community participation in post-disaster reconstruction

When a community already torn by a prolonged war is subsequently subjected to being hit by a natural disaster, the combined impact of such disasters can be extremely devastating. Affected communities often face enormous challenges during the long-term reconstruction, mainly due to the lack of a viable community involvement process. In post-war settings, affected communities are often conceived as being disabled and are hardly ever consulted when reconstruction projects are instigated. This lack of community involvement often leads to poor project planning, decreased community support and an unsustainable completed project. The impact of war, coupled with the tensions created by the poor housing provisions, often hinder the affected residents from integrating permanently into their home communities. This paper identifies a number of fundamental factors that act as barriers to community participation in reconstruction projects. The paper is based on a statistical analysis of a questionnaire survey administered in 2012 in Afghanistan.

Expulsion of Afghan refugees from Pakistan: A violation of principle of non-refoulement

This article addresses the need of an implementation mechanism for the protection of refugees’ rights. However, it is contended that the principle forms part of Customary International Law, under which it is binding on all states irrespective of whether or not they are parties to the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees 1951 or its Protocol 1967. Since last decade, U.S and its allies have been fighting to curve terrorism which has raised many issues such as human rights violation, deportation, expulsion, extradition, rendition and many more. Pakistan has played a very critical role in War against Terrorism, particularly in reference of war in Afghanistan. Particular concern of this article is the violation of refugees’ rights in Pakistan in 2008 and 2010. This article would highlight the legislation regarding non-expulsion of Afghan refugees from Pakistan to a territory where they have well founded fear of persecution. Article is divided into three parts, the first one deals with “Principle of Non-Refoulement”, the second one deals with “exceptions to the principle” whereas the last one discusses the violation of the very principle in Pakistan with reference to Afghan refugees.

Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora: pacificação, território e militarização

Pretende-se uma análise crítica do projeto das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora (UPPs), procurando entender como ele aparece como uma resposta possível para os problemas urbanos e de segurança na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Em primeiro lugar, volta-se à importação do ideal civilizatório pelo Brasil no início do século XIX e o surgimento da polícia e de uma questão urbana na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. O resgate histórico permite entender o surgimento das favelas e de uma cidade partida. Em seguida, trata-se do aspecto da pacificação das UPPs, retomando o sentido que essa ideia teve ao longo da história do Brasil, em especial como subjugação dos povos indígenas e como repressão às insurreições da primeira metade do século XIX. Em um segundo momento, volta-se à configuração da governamentalidade policial no Rio de Janeiro e no Brasil, do surgimento das polícias à racionalidade governamental do neoliberalismo. Demonstra-se como a polícia surge como um agente civilizador e como uma racionalidade autoritária da militarização e da criminologia do outro marca as polícias brasileiras, o que explica sua histórica atuação violenta voltada às classes subalternas. Em seguida, partindo da concepção de território pressuposta pelas UPPs, elabora-se sua crítica, observando que constituem uma política de ocupação militarizada do território que reforça uma geografia das desigualdades e promove uma nova forma de territorialização. Por fim, trata-se dos mecanismos que a governamentalidade neoliberal assume na gestão da questão urbana no Rio de Janeiro, a partir das ideias de urbanismo militar e empresarialismo urbano.O urbanismo militar é entendido como a extensão de ideias militares para os espaços e circulações cotidianos, o que leva a uma tendência internacional de militarização da segurança pública e proliferação de territórios de exceção. Nesse contexto, a política das UPPs guarda proximidades com as ocupações das favelas em Porto Príncipe pela MINUSTAH, os territórios palestinos ocupados por Israel, acontrainsurgência estadunidense no Iraque e Afeganistão e os Proyectos Urbanos Integrales em Medellín, nos quais se inspirou. Mas condizem também com o ideal do empresarialismo urbano, modelo baseado na competitividade das cidades orientada para o mercado. Trata-se, portanto, de um projeto de controle militarizado das favelas, necessário para os megaeventos e para a construção de uma imagem de cidade maravilhosa.