Only if “je est un autre” Can I Recognise You: Reflections on Canada’s Process of Constitutional Recognition of the “Preexistence of Distinctive Aborignial Societies”

1er Prix du concours d'initiation à la recherche organisé par le Regroupement Droit et Changements. La Loi sur les Indiens institutionnalise toujours de nombreuses facettes de ce qu’est être « Indien » pour beaucoup d’individus au Canada et un changement de perspective doit être opéré. Cet essai puise dans la pensée du philosophe Theodor Adorno pour réfléchir aux tentatives de reconnaissance juridique par le Canada des individus et sociétés autochtones en vertu de l’article 35 de la Constitution. L’auteur présente la théorie de la dialectique négative d’Adorno de 1966 sur le rapport à l’altérité, à partir de l’analyse de la professeure Drucilla Cornell, afin d’identifier ce que sa pensée prescrit pour établir des rapports non-oppressants entre Autochtones et non-Autochtones et leurs gouvernements aujourd’hui. La dialectique négative est particulièrement appropriée à la tentative de reconnaissance juridique de l’existence des sociétés autochtones par le Canada, du fait de leur statut marginalisé et de leurs revendications à la spécificité. Après avoir établi un tel cadre, l’auteur souligne que des précédentes tentatives de reconnaissances se sont soldées par des échecs en raison des désaccords au niveau des valeurs impliquées et des concepts utilisés auxquels elles ont donné lieu. Le processus de signature des traités numérotés de 1871-1921 est employé comme illustration en raison de son résultat souvent décrit aujourd’hui comme coercitif et injuste en dépit du discours de négociation sur un pied d’égalité l’ayant accompagné. Les critiques contemporaines de la politique en vigueur de mise en œuvre de l’autonomie gouvernementale autochtone par des accords négociés sont également présentées, afin d’illustrer que des désaccords quant à la manière dont l’État canadien entend reconnaître les peuples autochtones persistent à ce jour. L’auteur ajoute que, du point de vue de la dialectique négative, de tels désaccords doivent nécessairement être résolus pour que des rapports moins oppressifs puissent être établis. L’auteur conclut que la dialectique négative impose à la fois de se considérer soi-même (« je est un autre ») et de considérer l’autre comme au-delà des limites de sa propre pensée. La Cour suprême a déjà reconnu que la seule perspective de la common law n’est pas suffisante pour parvenir à une réconciliation des souverainetés des Autochtones et de la Couronne en vertu de la Constitution. Le concept de common law de fiduciaire présente un véhicule juridique intéressant pour une reconfiguration plus profonde par le gouvernement canadien de son rapport avec les peuples autochtones, priorisant processus plutôt que résultats et relations plutôt que certitude. Il doit toutefois être gardé à l’esprit que la reconnaissance de ces peuples par l’État canadien par le prisme de la pensée d’Adorno présente non seulement le défi d’inclure de nouvelles perspectives, mais également de remettre en cause les prémisses fondamentales à partir desquelles on considère la communauté canadienne en général.

The Mobilization against the 2005 treaty establishing a constitution for Europe : a French mobilization for another Europe

Why did a majority of French voters reject the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe in the 2005 referendum? We argue here that the collective mobilization of the left-wing ‘No’ camp made the decisive difference through its formation of ‘Collectifs pour le non’, a coalition which facilitated the public expression of an anti-liberal and pro-European position capable of bringing together the Green and Socialist electorates, along with other parts of the left. Using a comprehensive analysis of the multi-organizational field of protest constituted by the mobilization of the left-wing ‘No’ camp, we show first that the mobilization was a ‘European affair’, in the sense that it developed a pro-European position in the context of struggles against liberal forces. Second, we show that the mobilization was also a ‘French’ affair because it relied on the high valuation of the ‘national’ mode of belonging, through the defence of the French state model.

Constructing a ‘moment of crisis’ and its adequate solution

The rejection of the European Constitution marks an important crystallization point for debate about the European Union (EU) and the integration process. The European Constitution was envisaged as the founding document of a renewed and enlarged European Union and thus it was rather assumed to find wide public support. Its rejection was not anticipated. The negative referenda in France and the Netherlands therefore led to a controversial debate about the more fundamental meaning and the consequences of the rejection both for the immediate state of affairs as well as for the further integration process. The rejection of the Constitution and the controversy about its correct interpretation therefore present an intriguing puzzle for political analysis. Although the treaty rejection was taken up widely in the field of European Studies, the focus of existing analyses has predominantly been on explaining why the current situation occurred. Underlying these approaches is the premise that by establishing the reasons for the rejection it is possible to derive the ‘true’ meaning of the event for the EU integration process. In my paper I rely on an alternative, discourse theoretical approach which aims to overcome the positivist perspective dominating the existing analyses. I argue that the meaning of the event ‘treaty rejection’ is not fixed or inherent to it but discursively constructed. The critical assessment of this concrete meaning-production is of high relevance as the specific meaning attributed to the treaty rejection effectively constrains the scope for supposedly ‘reasonable’ options for action, both in the concrete situation and in the further European integration process more generally. I will argue that the overall framing suggests a fundamental technocratic approach to governance from part of the Commission. Political struggle and public deliberation is no longer foreseen as the concrete solutions to the citizens’ general concerns are designed by supposedly apolitical experts. Through the communicative diffusion and the active implementation of this particular model of governance the Commission shapes the future integration process in a more substantial way than is obvious from its seemingly limited immediate problem-solving orientation of overcoming the ‘constitutional crisis’. As the European Commission is a central actor in the discourse production my analysis focuses on the specific interpretation of the situation put forward by the Commission. In order to work out the Commission’s particular take on the event I conducted a frame analysis (according to Benford/Snow) on a body of key sources produced in the context of coping with the treaty rejection.

Visual processing of concentric sine-wave gratings in adolescents and adults

The aim of this study was to compare the contrast visual processing of concentric sinusoidal gratings stimuli between adolescents and adults. The study included 20 volunteers divided into two groups: 10 adolescents aged 13-19 years (M=16.5, SD=1.65) and 10 adults aged 20-26 years (M=21.8, SD=2.04). In order to measure the contrast sensitivity at spatial frequencies of 0.6, 2.5, 5 and 20 degrees of visual angle (cpd), it was used the psychophysical method of two alternative forced choice (2AFC). A One Way ANOVA performance showed a significant difference in the comparison between groups: F [(4, 237)=3.74, p<.05]. The post-hoc Tukey HSD showed a significant difference between the frequencies of 0.6 (p <.05) and 20 cpd (p<.05). Thus, the results showed that the visual perception behaves differently with regard to the sensory mechanisms that render the contrast towards adolescents and adults. These results are useful to better characterize and comprehend human vision development.

La securitización de la migración, una aproximación desde la cooperación migratoria entre Italia y Libia. 2008-2011

El interés de esta investigación es analizar los cambios en las políticas migratorias de Italia y Libia a partir del Tratado de amistad y cooperación firmado en 2008. Utilizando el concepto de securitización de Barry Buzan, se explican cuáles fueron las principales motivaciones para que ambos Estados tomaran la decisión de endurecer sus políticas migratorias para hacerle frente a la migración irregular. La securitización del tema de la migración se convirtió en el mecanismo principal del gobierno italiano para justificar el incumplimiento de acuerdos internacionales, dejando en un segundo plano la protecciónde los Derechos Humanos. Esta situación trae consigo altos costos humanitarios y pone en evidencia cómo Italia y Libia están tratando las nuevas amenazas como lo es la migración irregular en esta región.

Predictors of knowledge creation performance. A quantitative qualitative comparative study of European doctorandi

Aquesta tesi forma part d'un projecte destinat a predir el rendiment acadèmic dels estudiants de doctorat portat a terme per l'INSOC (International Network on Social Capital and Performance). El grup de recerca INSOC està format per les universitats de Girona (Espanya), Ljubljana (Eslovènia), Giessen (Alemanya) i Ghent (Bèlgica). El primer objectiu d'aquesta tesi és desenvolupar anàlisis quantitatius comparatius sobre el rendiment acadèmic dels estudiants de doctorat entre Espanya, Eslovènia i Alemanya a partir dels resultats individuals del rendiment acadèmic obtinguts de cada una de les universitats. La naturalesa internacional del grup de recerca implica la recerca comparativa. Vam utilitzar variables personal, actitudinals i de xarxa per predir el rendiment. El segon objectiu d'aquesta tesi és entendre de manera qualitativa perquè les variables de xarxa no ajuden quantitativament a predir el rendiment a la universitat de Girona (Espanya). En el capítol 1, definim conceptes relacionats amb el rendiment i donam un llistat de cada una de les variables independents (variables de xarxa, personals i actitudinals), resumint la lliteratura. Finalment, explicam com s'organitzen els estudis de doctorat a cada un dels diferents països. A partir d'aquestes definicions teòriques, en els pròxims capítols, primer presentarem els qüestionaris utilitzats a Espanya, Eslovènia i Alemanya per mesurar aquests diferents tipus de variables. Després, compararem les variables que són relevants per predir el rendiment dels estudiants de doctorat a cada país. Després d'això, fixarem diferents models de regressió per predir el rendiment entre països. En tots aquests models les variables de xarxa fallen a predir el rendiment a la Universitat de Girona. Finalment, utilitzem estudis qualitatius per entendre aquests resultats inesperats. En el capítol 2, expliquem com hem dissenyat i conduït els qüestionaris en els diferents països amb l'objectiu d'explicar el rendiment dels estudiants de doctorat obtinguts a Espanya, Eslovènia i Alemanya. En el capítol 3, cream indicadors comparables però apareixen problemes de comparabilitat en preguntes particulars a Espanya, Eslovènia i Alemanya. En aquest capítol expliquem com utilitzem les variables dels tres països per crear indicadors comparables. Aquest pas és molt important perquè el principal objectiu del grup de recerca INSOC és comparar el rendiment dels estudiants de doctorat entre els diferents països. En el capítol 4 comparem models de regressió obtinguts de predir el rendiment dels estudiants de doctorat a les universitats de Girona (Espanya) i Eslovènia. Les variables són característiques dels grups de recerca dels estudiants de doctorat enteses com una xarxa social egocèntrica, característiques personals i actitudinals dels estudiants de doctorat i algunes carecterístiques dels directors. Vam trobar que les variables de xarxa egocèntriques no predien el rendiment a la Universitat de Girona. En el capítol 5, comparem dades eslovenes, espanyoles i alemnayes, seguint la metodologia del capítol 4. Concluïm que el cas alemany és molt diferent. El poder predictiu de les variables de xarxa no millora. En el capítol 6 el grup de recerca dels estudiants de doctorat és entès com una xarxa duocèntrica (Coromina et al., 2008), amb l'objectiu d'obtendre informació de la relació mútua entre els estudiants i els seus directors i els contactes d'ambdós amb els altres de la xarxa. La inclusió de la xarxa duocèntrica no millora el poder predictiu del model de regressió utilitzant les variales egocèntriques de xarxa. El capítol 7 pretèn entendre perquè les variables de xarxa no predeixen el rendiment a la Universitat de Girona. Utilitzem el mètode mixte, esperant que l'estudi qualitatiu pugui cobrir les raons de perquè la qualitat de la xarxa falla en la qualitat del treball dels estudiants. Per recollir dades per l'estudi qualitatiu utilitzem entrevistes en profunditat.

Los indios de Riobamba y la revolución de Quito, 1757-1814 (Debates)

Este estudio analiza las diversas posiciones asumidas por los indígenas frente a la Revolución de Quito de 1809. Siguiendo a dos personajes clave del Corregimiento de Riobamba, un cacique y un indio, busca las causas de la adhesión o del rechazo. Con ese propósito se estudian varias coyunturas que empiezan a mediados del siglo XVIII, desde las peticiones caciquiles y el posterior reacomodo de las autoridades indígenas efectuadas por los reformistas borbónicos, las continuas imposiciones tributarias y el terremoto de 1797, que desembocan en el levantamiento indígena de 1803. El artículo muestra una ruptura radical entre los indios del común y el pensamiento criollo fundador de la nación.

El legado de Cádiz: ciudadanía y cultura política en la Gobernación de Cuenca, 1812-1814 (Estudios)

Este trabajo analiza el legado de las Cortes de Cádiz y de la Constitución de 1812 en Cuenca entre 1812 y 1814. Estudia los principales cambios políticos relacionados con los derechos de diversos actores sociales, así como el rompimiento de antiguas formas de relación social. Los cambios políticos se relacionaron con la introducción de nuevos conceptos y prácticas como ciudadanía, soberanía, elección y representación, tanto en el mundo criollomestizo como en el indígena (población cañari) de la provincia. Se analiza la abolición del tributo indígena, el servicio personal y la mita, además se estudian algunos cambios administrativopolíticos como la creación de los ayuntamientos constitucionales, las diputaciones provinciales y nacionales.

Las Guyanas holandesas en América Latina (1600-1814) [Estudios]

This article starts by considering the fact that the Guyanas can be understood as an atypical region in the Latin-American context. The lapse of analysis of this study is from 1600 to 1814, period of development of Dutch Guyanas, which was the base of the Surinam Republic and the Co-operative Republic of Guyana. These are highlighted for being the unique Latin-American entities that were not colonized by the Catholics Monarchies, for the absence of missionary activities until 1735, and also for the absence of private action. These colonies offer an interesting study field about comparative development with other South American regions.

The Court of Justice of the European Union as a fundamental rights tribunal: challenges for the effective delivery of fundamental rights in the area of freedom, security and justice. CEPS Paper in Liberty and Security in Europe No. 49, 29 August 2012

This paper reflects on the challenges facing the effective implementation of the new EU fundamental rights architecture that emerged from the Lisbon Treaty. Particular attention is paid to the role of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and its ability to function as a ‘fundamental rights tribunal’. The paper first analyses the praxis of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg and its long-standing experience in overseeing the practical implementation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Against this analysis, it then examines the readiness of the CJEU to live up to its consolidated and strengthened mandate on fundamental rights as one of the prime guarantors of the effective implementation of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. We specifically review the role of ‘third-party interventions’ by non-governmental organisations, international and regional human rights actors as well as ‘interim relief measures’ when ensuring effective judicial protection of vulnerable individuals in cases of alleged violations of fundamental human rights. To flesh out our arguments, we rely on examples within the scope of the relatively new and complex domain of EU legislation, the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ), and its immigration, external border and asylum policies. In view of the fundamental rights-sensitive nature of these domains, which often encounter shifts of accountability and responsibility in their practical application, and the Lisbon Treaty’s expansion of the jurisdiction of the CJEU to interpret and review EU AFSJ legislation, this area can be seen as an excellent test case for the analyses at hand. The final section puts forth a set of policy suggestions that can assist the CJEU in the process of adjusting itself to the new fundamental rights context in a post-Lisbon Treaty setting.

Does the Stockholm Programme matter? The struggles over ownership of AFSJ multiannual programming. CEPS Paper in Liberty and Security No. 51/December 2012

Does the 2009 Stockholm Programme matter? This paper addresses the controversies experienced at EU institutional levels as to ‘who’ should have ownership of the contours of the EU’s policy and legislative multiannual programming in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) in a post-Lisbon Treaty landscape. It examines the struggles around the third multiannual programme on the AFSJ, i.e. the Stockholm Programme, and the dilemmas affecting its implementation. The latest affair to emerge relates to the lack of fulfilment by the European Commission of the commitment to provide a mid-term evaluation of the Stockholm Programme’s implementation by mid-2012, as requested by both the Council and the European Parliament. This paper shifts the focus to a broader perspective and raises the following questions: Is the Stockholm Programme actually relevant? What do the discussions behind its implementation tell us about the new institutional dynamics affecting European integration on the AFSJ? Does the EU actually need a new (post- Stockholm) multiannual programme for the period 2015–20? And last, what role should the EP play in legislative and policy programming in order to further strengthen the democratic accountability and legitimacy of the EU’s AFSJ?

The unpatriotism of the economic constitution? Rights to free movement and their impact on national and European identity

Abstract: Instead of the political reading of the EU Constitution adopted by advocates of constitutional patriotism, this article examines the European economic constitution. The four single market freedoms can be used by the Court of Justice to strike down Member State laws which represent deeply held aspects of national cultural identity. The article examines whether the court does in fact act in this way and proceeds to argue that the issue of identity protection does not stop with the court. In those policy areas where the court is more interventionist, and its case-law is perceived as an identity threat, one is likely to find binding Treaty-based derogations. Where, in contrast, the effect of the court's case-law poses less of a threat, one is more likely to see non-binding declarations. The article examines a number of policy areas in which specific cultural derogations and declarations are to be found, including abortion, property acquisition, football and alcohol control.