Prenatal diagnosis and epidemiology of multicystic kidney dysplasia in Europe.

OBJECTIVES: The aim of this study is to describe the prenatal diagnosis and epidemiology of multicystic kidney dysplasia (MCKD). METHODS: The study is based on routinely collected data from a European database of major congenital anomalies including 13 registries with cases born in 1997-2006 and covering 1 458 552 births. RESULTS: There were 601 MCKD cases giving an overall prevalence of 4.12 per 10 000 births with regional variation. In live births, 87% of cases had an isolated renal anomaly and 13% had associated major nonrenal anomalies (chromosomal, syndrome or other major anomalies). For the cases with isolated renal anomalies, 51/386 (11%) and 7/386 (2%) choose to terminate the pregnancy or resulted in an intrauterine fetal death, respectively. The prenatal detection rate was 88% in both unilateral and bilateral cases. Birth outcome differed with 92% of unilateral MCKD cases being liveborn compared with 33% of bilateral MCKD cases. For unilateral MCKD cases, 84% had an isolated renal anomaly compared with 51% of bilateral MCKD cases (p < 0.001). CONCLUSIONS: Cases with unilateral MCKD are mainly liveborn, and only 16% have associated major malformations or a syndrome. Cases with bilateral MCKD are often associated with nonrenal major congenital anomalies or part of a syndrome, and only one third of bilateral MCKD cases in this study were liveborn. Prenatal detection rate of MCKD was high for both unilateral and bilateral cases. © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The Öresund region: A dynamic region in Europe due to inter-regional collaboration?

El cluster Medicon Valley es troba a la regió d'Oresund binacional que s'estén per Dinamarca i Suècia, inclosa la Universitat de Lund, ciutat i tercera ciutat més gran de Suècia, Malmö (veure figura 1). El 2000, aquestes dues parts nacionals estaven connectades físicament per l'establiment dels 18 quilòmetres de longitud, enllaç fix del Øresund (ponts i túnels).

Towards a Union of Citizens and States: Negotiating Transnational Democracy in Europe

Aquest article dóna un cop d'ull més de prop com les qüestions de legitimitat democràtica es van negociar durant la primera de les tres etapes de la redacció de la Constitució, en la Convenció sobre el Futur d'Europa (febrer de 2002-juliol 2003), i per la posterior Conferència Intergovernamental (juliol de 2003 a juny de 2004). L'objectiu d'aquesta anàlisi és avaluar el grau en què els redactors de la Comissió Europea s'han resolt els problemes de disputes sobre la democràcia postnacional que es van debatre en la Convenció

Chlamydia control activities in Europe: cross-sectional survey.

BACKGROUND: Chlamydia is the most commonly reported bacterial sexually transmitted infection in Europe. The objective of the Screening for Chlamydia in Europe (SCREen) project was to describe current and planned chlamydia control activities in Europe. METHODS: The authors sent a questionnaire asking about different aspects of chlamydia epidemiology and control to public health and clinical experts in each country in 2007. The principles of sexually transmitted infection control were used to develop a typology comprising five categories of chlamydia control activities. Each country was assigned to a category, based on responses to the questionnaire. RESULTS: Experts in 29 of 33 (88%) invited countries responded. Thirteen of 29 countries (45%) had no current chlamydia control activities. Six countries in this group stated that there were plans to introduce chlamydia screening programmes. There were five countries (17%) with case management guidelines only. Three countries (10%) also recommended case finding amongst partners of diagnosed chlamydia cases or people with another sexually transmitted infection. Six countries (21%) further specified groups of asymptomatic people eligible for opportunistic chlamydia testing. Two countries (7%) reported a chlamydia screening programme. There was no consistent association between the per capita gross domestic product of a country and the intensity of chlamydia control activities (P = 0.816). CONCLUSION: A newly developed classification system allowed the breadth of ongoing national chlamydia control activities to be described and categorized. Chlamydia control strategies should ensure that clinical guidelines to optimize chlamydia diagnosis and case management have been implemented before considering the appropriateness of screening programmes.

The Euromelanoma skin cancer prevention campaign in Europe: characteristics and results of 2009 and 2010.

Background  Euromelanoma is a skin cancer education and prevention campaign that started in 1999 in Belgium as 'Melanoma day'. Since 2000, it is active in a large and growing number of European countries under the name Euromelanoma. Objective  To evaluate results of Euromelanoma in 2009 and 2010 in 20 countries, describing characteristics of screenees, rates of clinically suspicious lesions for skin cancer and detection rates of melanomas. Methods  Euromelanoma questionnaires were used by 20 countries providing their data in a standardized database (Belgium, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, FYRO Macedonia, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Moldavia, Portugal, Serbia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and Ukraine). Results  In total, 59 858 subjects were screened in 20 countries. Most screenees were female (64%), median ages were 43 (female) and 46 (male) and 33% had phototype I or II. The suspicion rates ranged from 1.1% to 19.4% for melanoma (average 2.8%), from 0.0% to 10.7% for basal cell carcinoma (average 3.1%) and from 0.0% to 1.8% for squamous cell carcinoma (average 0.4%). The overall positive predictive value of countries where (estimation of) positive predictive value could be determined was 13.0%, melanoma detection rates varied from 0.1% to 1.9%. Dermoscopy was used in 78% of examinations with clinically suspected melanoma; full body skin examination was performed in 72% of the screenees. Conclusion  Although the population screened during Euromelanoma was relatively young, high rates of clinically suspected melanoma were found. The efficacy of Euromelanoma could be improved by targeting high-risk populations and by better use of dermoscopy and full body skin examination.

The CFSP/ESDP, Parliamentary Accountability, and the ´Future of Europe´ Convention debate

This paper examines the importance that the current Convention on the Future of Europe is giving (or not) to the question of democratic accountability in European foreign and defence policy. As all European Union (EU) member states are parliamentary democracies1, and as there is a European Parliament (EP) which also covers CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy) and ESDP (European Security and Defence Policy2) matters, I will concentrate on parliamentary accountability rather than democratic accountability more widely defined. Where appropriate, I will also refer to the work of other transnational parliamentary bodies such as the North Atlantic Assembly or NAA (NATO´s Parliamentary Assembly) or the Western European Union (WEU) Parliamentary Assembly3. The article will consist of three sections. First, I will briefly put the question under study within its wider context (section 1). Then, I will examine the current level of parliamentary accountability in CFSP and defence matters (section 2). Finally, I will consider the current Convention debate and assess how much attention is being given to the question of accountability in foreign and defence policies (section 3). This study basically argues that, once again, there is very little interest in an issue that should be considered as vital for the future democratic development of a European foreign and defence policy. It is important to note however that this paper does not cover the wider debate about how to democratise and make the EU more transparent and closer to its citizens. It concentrates on its Second Pillar because its claim is that very little if any attention is being given to this question

Serological based monitoring of a cohort of patients with chronic Chagas disease treated with benznidazole in a highly endemic area of northern Argentina

This study aimed to evaluate well-documented diagnostic antigens, named B13, 1F8 and JL7 recombinant proteins, as potential markers of seroconversion in treated chagasic patients. Prospective study, involving 203 patients treated with benznidazole, was conducted from endemic areas of northern Argentina. Follow-up was possible in 107 out of them and blood samples were taken for serology and PCR assays before and 2, 3, 6, 12, 24 and 36 months after treatment initiation. Reactivity against Trypanosoma cruzi lysate and recombinant antigens was measured by ELISA. The rate of decrease of antibody titers showed nonlinear kinetics with an abrupt drop within the first three months after initiation of treatment for all studied antigens, followed by a plateau displaying a low decay until the end of follow-up. At this point, anti-B13, anti-1F8 and anti-JL7 titers were relatively close to the cut-off line, while anti-T. cruzi antibodies still remained positive. At baseline, 60.8% (45/74) of analysed patients tested positive for parasite DNA by PCR and during the follow-up period in 34 out of 45 positive samples (75.5%) could not be detected T. cruzi DNA. Our results suggest that these antigens might be useful as early markers for monitoring antiparasitic treatment in chronic Chagas disease.

Spain in Europe 2004-2008

In March of 2004, the Observatory of European Foreign Policy published a special monograph about Spain in Europe (1996-2004) in digital format. The objective of the monograph was to analyse Spain’s foreign policy agenda and strategy during the period of José María Aznar’s presidency. As the title suggests, one of the initial suppositions of the analysis is the Europeanization of Spanish foreign activities. Is that how it was? Did Aznar’s Spain see the world and relate to it through Brussels? The publication was well received, considering the number of visits received and above all the institutions which asked to link the publication to their web pages. Among these, the EUobserver published the introduction to the piece in English titled Aznar: thinking locally, acting in Europe (described by the EUobserver as a paper of utmost importance). The fact that the elections were held three days after the tragic events of the 11th of March dramatically increased interest in Spain and the implications for Europe. This publication is the second of its type, in this case analysing the period of the Zapatero government (2004-2008). Once again the starting premise (the Europeanization of the agenda and the methods employed) has been considered by the analysts. And once again the articles collected in this publication serve to “triangulate” the analysis. Spain and Europe are two vertices (more or less distant, in essence and in form) which the authors handle in their analysis of the case (third vertex).

Spain in Europe 1996-2004

“Thinking globally, acting locally" is an essential slogan in the current political discourse. Yet, in view of the policies on the European Union carried out by the two governments of the People’s Party (PP) headed by José María Aznar between 1996 and 2004, we could coin a quite different slogan: "thinking locally, acting in Europe". Indeed, José María Aznar’s policy-making during the last eight years has been characterised by turning his domestic concerns into the ‘exclusive factor’ of his European strategy, regardless of the context and the need for fitting in national objectives with Europeans’. Hence, it was natural that the electoral campaign preceding the general elections held on Sunday, 14 March, did not deal with any of the topics prevailing in the EU’s current agenda. Neither enlargement nor the Constitution, nor the process of shaping a core group within the EU, seem to have room in Spain’s political debate...