975 resultados para Revolução capitalista


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The neoliberalism proclaims the crisis of the State in front of globalization , but, approaching two books taken as basic on this theoretical chain - The road to serfdom, of Friedrich Hayek, and Capitalism and Freedom, of Milton Friedman - to analyze this supposed dualism, the conclusion into which we arrive is another one. Remembering liberal tradition and quickly, later, analyzing critically the workmanships, can be perceived that others are the conflicts really gifts in the current capitalist reality - market versus State et capitalism versus democracy - and, from the understanding on the reading made and the theoretical trajectory of its authors, we may see as the neoliberalism locates itself in relation to these conflicts, which polar regions of these antagonisms privileges, what represents the State for itself, and what it intends as much more global philosophy than economic/politics thinking only

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This essay discusses the race issue, emphasizing the racial concept in Casa-Grande & Senzala. We discussed the Brazilian intellectual scene of the 1920s and 1930s, also the decadence of the analysis based on the variables of race, geographical environment and climate, emphasizing the ascent of new approaches, structured cultural diversity in the capitalist economy and exclusionary. We use the concept of racialism, understanding it as any narrative that classifies the types of people in a racial criterion

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This work aims at understanding of social suffering, caused by unsolved homicides in the black population. Thus, when the homicide occurs, family and friends become hidden or indirect victims of this crime. So, It will be made a historical imbalance of Afro-Brazilians to the capitalist system after slavery. Those who suffered from the absence of inclusive public policies. Also try to contextualize them within the current data with that place as the immediate victims of murder. Finally, reports from family members, through their life stories, and snippets from the ethnographic field notes were the methodologies used

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The relation between State and civil society is not a very recent discussion, but it does not mean that debate is exhausted, since is in the historical context that the novelty is seized. Thinking like this, we may analyze how the relation between state and civil society happened in Acre during the decade of 1970. But, to understand how this relation is established in faraway Acre, we have available to the reader historical analyses, in a tireless attempt to clarify minimally aspects that characterize acreana society. To do this, we take on as a departure point, in general not differentiating of the given structure at national level, the conformation of this society was guided in a passive revolution, in another way, by high transformismo, relegating to the civil society, which is incipient, pífia a simple participation in the hegemonic policy direction. All this brings us to the thought that both state bureaucracy structure and the civil society organization, were influenced decisively for a traditional political elite. In addition, we begin the work with the lifting bibliographic reference searching and then we analyze the empirical reality, such as newspapers, official media publications and private, a few documents and last, interviews with political actors associated with the process consolidation of civil society in the 1970 decade. The interviewees were selected, firstly for their location in the region, and for their outstanding contribution to the consolidating process of recent Acre history. Thus, the interviews followed up on a semi-structured way, leading up, also, for the informations that the interviewees would have to pass on. The systematization and analysis of these surveys have shown us that, in the period before of the Acre Federal State lifting had, of course, a transformismo by high, but at 1970decade, the society with a more heterogeneous social formation, is not allowed, or at least, organize itself, to counter a systematic imposition. Thus, the hegemonic area of dispute between State and civil society occurs from the "reconciliation" with the adoption of public policies that amenizasse the dispute between both spheres, and to build up some bodies, settling a acreana civil society.

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This work aims to analyze the interpretations about Evo Morales' government in Bolivia. For such, it proposes a theoretical reclaim of Marxism in Latin America, as well as of Bolivian political history since the 1952 Revolution, going through the crisis in Pacted Democracy intensified in the five-year conjuncture of struggles started in 2000 up to the election and reelection of Morales. It departs from an empirical prior conjecture taken from a qualitative analysis and a broad literature review to analyze the different interpretations of the Bolivian political process from Marxist theoretical matrices. After this historical recovery and this reading of contemporary Bolivia, it concludes with a consideration about the formation of a possible new block of power in the country, with the retaking of nationalism and Indianism as revolutionary reasons

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This research focuses on the fishery activity, aligned to knowledge of past generations, and the transformation to those who depend on this activity for their livelihood, at the seashore community of Pitangui in Extremoz municipality, which lies 40 km away from Natal, seat of the state of Rio Grande do Norte. The intense modernization which has taking place during the last few years may be considered the result of a number of economic, social and cultural factors, as the introduction of new fishery technology. On the other hand, the present study seeks to show how this changing process happened, and to what extent those affected understand and evaluate this transformation. The methodology to carry out the ethnographic work was mainly adopted by qualitative methods and techniques - by participant observation, oral history, photography and the audiovisual records besides reference to data extracted under quantitative methods, as an important instrument of analyses. This induces a conclusion that the transformation of the community is a consequence of the globalized market, though still tied up to specific local relations. The emerging results are: the use of new fishery technology, and new ways of orientation and navigation; the opening to new jobs and occupational activity, the re-order of space s appropriation; changing sociability, larger access to consumer goods, besides bringing on some new conflicts land appropriation and the fishery and the protection of the environment. All this comprehended as a result of the movement of the local relations participating in the global spaces

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La llamada Iniciativa para la Integración de Infraestructura Regional Suramericana (IIRSA) es un acuerdo multinacional celebrado entre los 12 países de América del Sur desde el año 2000, materializado a través de 10 ejes de comercialización orientados a la construcción de varios proyectos de infraestructura, que incluye la construcción de una enorme red de energía, de comunicación y transporte. Estos proyectos han sido financiados principalmente por los organismos multilaterales (BID, CAF, FONPLATA) profundizando la dependencia económica y política de los países involucrados, en especial mediante el aumento de la deuda externa, las empresas transnacionales garantizarán la infraestructura necesaria para la explotación más acentuada de nuestros recursos naturales y de la mano de obra barata, asegurando el abastecimiento de sus mercados. En este sentido, el discurso de crecimiento económico regional creará los mecanismos necesarios para la reproducción ampliada del sistema capitalista, mediante la promoción de la liberalización de los mercados internacionales, tales como intenta los Estados Unidos a través del Área de Libre Comercio de las Américas. En realidad, es un Desarrollo Regional de los países del Norte, un plan estratégico de ordenamiento territorial construido por transnacionales y dictado por el imperialismo de Norteamérica. Bajo la dirección del gobierno de Brasil ha sido implementado sigilosamente, para que los jefes de Estado, sin nombrarlo, ejecuten sus planes de desarrollo como parte de esta tan evidente estrategia de saqueo, entusiasmados y convencidos de que serán generosamente recompensados. Proclaman e inauguran proyectos de infraestructura que las empresas multinacionales y transnacionales consideran indispensables para el saqueo de los recursos naturales que aún quedan, después de cinco siglos de explotación continua de América Latina. En este sentido, nuestra investigación se volvió hacia el análisis de lo sector energético de lo Eje Perú-Brasil-Bolivia, por considerarlo de suma importancia para el mantenimiento de la explotación y consolidación hegemónica de las corporaciones multinacionales en América Latina

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Trata-se de uma investigação que busca revelar convergências e divergências no processo de planificação da Política Pública de Saúde, com foco primordial na participação dos organismos de representação social na consolidação do Sistema Único (SUS), destacando a Conferência Nacional de Saúde CNS, instância que deve ter participação obrigatória na formulação de recomendações para essa política estatal. Considera que a planificação reúne elementos de concepção jurídica, técnica e política para a elaboração dos documentos intitulados Planos Nacionais de Saúde PNS. A partir de pesquisa qualitativa de base documental e argumentação com apoio de Cartografia Simbólica, põe em exame o processo de elaboração e o teor presente nos relatórios da 12ª (2003), 13ª (2007) e 14ª CNS (2011), alinhando seus eixos, diretrizes e prioridades nos correspondentes PNS nos quadriênios 2004-2007, 2008-2011 e 2012-2015. A escolha desses instrumentos, na temporalidade sugerida, tem por esteio o período em que a implantação do sistema de Planejamento do SUS PlanejaSUS, orienta normativa e tecnicamente a elaboração do PNS, tendo como uma de suas referências o que foi emanado das conferências. Propõe-se verificar as tensões existentes entre momentos distintos da definição das prioridades elencadas nas políticas públicas de saúde à luz das contribuições teóricas sobre a concepção do Estado, numa visão contemporânea associada à sua dinâmica de atuação vinculada ao modo de produção e acumulação capitalista; sobre a metodologia do Planejamento Estratégico com base na participação de atores diversos; e ainda, na análise sobre a expressão desse participacionismo na ótica dos processos democráticos representativos no SUS. Na confecção dos mapas cartográficos foi proposta a correlação entre os conteúdos dos Relatórios das 12ª a 14ª conferências de saúde com o que está expresso nas prioridades constantes nos Planos Nacionais de Saúde (2004 a 2007, 2008 a 2011 e 2012 a 2015), verificando-se aproximações e distanciamentos existentes entre o que expressa a sociedade e a política governamental. Conclui-se que, do exame crítico entre as diretrizes e prioridades contidas no acervo documental existente e sua metodologia de construção, com fundamento na argumentação do aporte teórico trabalhado, são verificadas tensões e harmonizações que revelam pontos convergentes e dissonantes das pactuações e consensos entre os atores sociais representantes dos segmentos, no qual critério da representatividade condiciona a defesa de opiniões, interesses e prioridades, de modo diverso para os que estão implicados nesse processo de planificação

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A pretensão deste trabalho foi o de analisar o discurso da revista semanal Veja sobre o governo de Hugo Chávez Frías, atual presidente da República Bolivariana da Venezuela. Através da leitura das reportagens, procuramos apresentar o comportamento da revista em relação ao se governo e a forma que sua política é classificada, representada. Reunimos edições da revista, entre 1998 a 2002, início do seu governo - eleito em dezembro de 1998, toma posse no início de 1999, período da tentativa de golpe (frustrada) em abril de 2002. O trabalho procura mostrar como as matérias não são isentas e que há um claro posicionamento ideológico da revista, que se insere no conjunto mais geral da mídia conservadora e anti-Chávez. O presidente, eleito e reeleito democraticamente, aparece sempre nas diversas reportagens da revista caracterizado como golpista, ditador, populista, fanfarrão. O nosso objetivo é o de revelar como Veja criou uma imagem negativa do presidente da Venezuela, coerente com os princípios neoliberais defendidos pela revista. A Venezuela com Hugo Chávez, com a chamada Revolução Bolivariana , realiza uma experiência singular de governo num país de larga tradição antidemocrática e afirma caminhar na contracorrente do pensamento hegemônico neoliberal. Em contrapartida, a revista Veja se apresenta com um representante da burguesia financeira e importante sujeito na construção e continuidade do neoliberalismo

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This work discusses the impacts of the globalization in the Brazilian northeast culture, specifically in the popular field. The background of theses reflections is the carnival festivities in Recife-PE. In this context, attempts to changes as well as resistance to them maintaining the cultural values and the popular manifestations take a new dimension, presenting different ways of being nordestino. The option for the context of the carnival festivities is due to its significance to the people of this place, particularly as it is a space in which people represent themselves. The work presents a version of the history of carnival in Recife, identifies some manifestations that comprise it, analyzes its changes and shows the process of valuing the local culture in the latest years of the 20th century. The research also reveals how the popular culture assumes a functional and dynamic character where the themes of the popular traditions are being reworked. This process allows not only the survival of the local culture, but also the resistance against the capitalist project to construct a global culture and its uniform character. Even though the carnival festivity has become a mega show, composing a market design, it is still a space to construct differences and see the other. Lastly, for the people of that region, it is a space of fighting for a place in the international panorama

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A problemática atual da urbanização coloca questões delicadas referentes ao seu ritmo de crescimento, sua relação com o desenvolvimento econômico, o aparecimento de novas formas urbanas e sua relação com as novas maneiras de articulação capitalista. A compreensão espacial do lazer nas cidades apresenta-se, assim, como tema de grande importância para as sociedades contemporâneas. O interesse e a importância de tratar esse tema na cidade do Natal - enfocando-se a distribuição dos espaços públicos de lazer nos diversos bairros e sua utilização pelos seus habitantes - justifica-se pelo fato dessa capital apresentar um crescimento populacional surpreendente nos últimos anos, tendo uma expansão urbana desordenada que se reflete na carência de infra-estrutura urbana e numa forte segregação espacial. Foram feitas a verificação da disponibilidade de espaços públicos de lazer nos bairros e a identificação dos diversos fatores que interferem na utilização desses espaços, visando contribuir para a compreensão do fenômeno do lazer urbano, bem como, para o aprofundamento da discussão acerca da função social desses, que possibilite montar estratégias para a utilização de forma democrática desses espaços nas cidades. Para tanto foi necessária uma articulação teórica das questões peltinentes ao espaço urbano e ao lazer, que formam uma área epistemológica de interseção quando trata das questões referentes ao direito à cidadania, onde está contemplado o direito à cidade (á moradia e ao seu entomo). Os dados para que caracterizaram as vivências do lazer nos espaços públicos da cidade foram levantados em três fontes: nos documentos (plano diretor da cidade, planos de políticas públicas entre outros), nas entrevistas com a comunidade e nas observações diretas dos espaços de manifestações do lazer. A análise aponta que existe uma distribuição irregular dos espaços públicos de lazer, por bairro e Região Administrativa da cidade do Natal que apresenta relação com a segregação espacial por classe, existente na cidade, fruto da dinâmica econômica e práticas sociais aqui existentes. Constata-se ainda que a camada desprovida desses equipamentos de lazer não age espontaneamente, nem através de seus representantes e mandatários institucionais, em prol da distribuição de oportunidades nesses campos, possibilitando que a segregação continue em círculos viciosos, pois a própria segregação dificulta o encontro, a percepção das diferenças e o conflito, que podem ser resgatados numa nova forma de organização do cotidiano

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This dissertation analyses the Brazilian housing policy of today s, focusing on the programmes in the socalled Social Interest Housing Subsystem in order to discuss to what extent the government has been able to grant housing constitutional rights in the country. The discussion is about housing policy and the principles in the country s Constitution regarding the role of housing as a social right, a right that must be granted by the state. This refers to land rent theory to understand the relationship between capital and property and the reasons why, under capitalism, housing becomes a commodity in the market. Then, it discusses the national housing policy, which emphasizes land ownership through financing, that is, via market, a process that excludes all low income population. In the conclusion, it is clear that, although government programmes cover extensively at least potentially the national territory as well as social group, subsidized housing programmes cannot be implemented in the city due to land prices because subsidy is too low. In this way, the law that grants housing rights to all Brazilian citizens is violated

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This dissertation is about housing provision under a capitalist system. It aims at analyzing the economic relevance of the Brazilian housing policy, in particular, looking at the housing estates built in Natal city. It also draws on a data-base about living and housing conditions in Natal, produced in the wake of a more comprehensive research of the 50 largest housing estates in the city. Theoretically, the dissertation discusses: the symbolic dimension of housing; housing as a commodity; the alleged social and economic stability of homeownership; and the urban dynamic of housing estates. It also discusses the historic and conceptual references of the Brazilian housing policy and its consequences to Natal city. From the 1960s, polilcy under the BNH privileged the production of large housing estates. Although this was more closely related to economic rather than social objectives, this policy helped expand the urban limits. This was the case for Natal. At the end, this policy was not targeted towards the poorest in society but towards those low income house buyers who could afford to pay for the mortgages on offer

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In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital

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This thesis is inserted on the discussion about the productive reframing and its reflexes concerning the world of work, in the current crisis stage in the capitalist way of production. This study deals with the impacts of outsourcing in relation to workers of companies subhired by Petrobras, in the State of Rio Grande do Norte, since decade of 1990. It is demonstrated that outsourcing in the oil sector, used mainly as a way to reduce costs of production, contributed to the raising of precarious conditions and relations of work. The transformation to the way of organization in the production, has intensified with the outsourcing, represented to the companies a bigger gain in productivity and a better control over the workers. These changings, that reconfigure the profile of the oil work force, allowed, among other things, reduction in numbers of the effective workers in the table of employees of Petrobras, the raising of relation concercing instable works, the raising in numbers of young workers, with a little or none qualification, reduction in the salary pattern of the professional class, illegal withholdment of labourite rights and the raising of risks to the health and security of the workers