Colección de las leyes, decretos, circulares y providencias relativas á la desamortización ecelesiástica, á la nacionalización de los bienes de corporaciones, y á la reforma de la legislación civil que tenía relación con el culto y con la Iglesia

UANL

Contratos hechos en los Estados Unidos por los comisionados del Gobierno de México durante los años 1865 y 1866: contratos, celebrados por los generales D. José M. de J. Carbajal y D. Gaspar Sánchez Ochoa e intervención del Sr. Romero en los mismos.

UANL

Boletin de las leyes del imperio mexicano : Comprende las leyes, decretos y reglamentos generales, numeros del 1 al 176, expedidos por el Emperador Maximiliano desde 1o. de julio hasta 31 de diciembre de 1865.

UANL

Civil resistance in Italy: its history to debates

The history of civil resistance in Italy is almost unknown beyond its frontiers. The fiftieth anniversary of the Liberation in 1995 was the occasion to learn about a new historiography that emphasized the existence of an unarmed struggle  against the German occupation that gave prominence to women and underlined the importance of fostering social awareness and cohesion to face the barbarity of  war. This historiography made possible relativizing the key role given to armed struggle for the Liberation cause and paved the way for discussing the potential  of an unarmed civil defense.

Combatant recruitment and the outcome of war

Why do some civil wars terminate soon, with victory of one party over the other? What determines if the winner is the incumbent or the rebel group? Why do other conáicts last longer? We propose a simple model in which the power of each armed group depends on the number of combatants it is able to recruit. This is in turn a function of the relative ëdistanceíbetween group leaderships and potential recruits. We emphasize the moral hazard problem of recruitment: Öghting is costly and risky so combatants have the incentive to defect from their task. They can also desert altogether and join the enemy. This incentive is stronger the farther away the Öghter is from the principal, since monitoring becomes increasingly costly. Bigger armies have more power but less monitoring capacity to prevent defection and desertion. This general framework allows a variety of interpretations of what type of proximity matters for building strong cohesive armies ranging from ethnic distance to geographic dispersion. Di§erent assumptions about the distribution of potential Öghters along the relevant dimension of conáict lead to di§erent equilibria. We characterize these, discuss the implied outcome in terms of who wins the war, and illustrate with historical and contemporaneous case studies.

Don't make war, make elections : Franchise extension and violence in XIXth-century Colombia

This paper studies the effect of strengthening democracy, as captured by an increase in voting rights, on the incidence of violent civil conflict in nineteenth-century Colombia. Empirically studying the relationship between democracy and conflict is challenging, not only because of conceptual problems in defining and measuring democracy, but also because political institutions and violence are jointly determined. We take advantage of an experiment of history to examine the impact of one simple, measurable dimension of democracy (the size of the franchise) on con- flict, while at the same time attempting to overcome the identification problem. In 1853, Colombia established universal male suffrage. Using a simple difference-indifferences specification at the municipal level, we find that municipalities where more voters were enfranchised relative to their population experienced fewer violent political battles while the reform was in effect. The results are robust to including a number of additional controls. Moreover, we investigate the potential mechanisms driving the results. In particular, we look at which components of the proportion of new voters in 1853 explain the results, and we examine if results are stronger in places with more political competition and state capacity. We interpret our findings as suggesting that violence in nineteenth-century Colombia was a technology for political elites to compete for the rents from power, and that democracy constituted an alternative way to compete which substituted violence.

El canal de María Cristina y sus repercusiones sobre la población de Albacete (1862-1865).

Se analiza la situación de la población de Albacete afectada por la obras del Canal de María Cristina en la última fase de su construcción, a finales de 1860. Cuando el Gobierno Central da por concluidos sus trabajos y la población es víctima de las emanaciones de gas producidas por el Canal, de las epidemias y de los perjuicios en la agricultura. El Ayuntamiento de Albacete, al asumir la administración del Canal y considerando los trabajos concluidos mantiene lo realizado hasta el momento. A consecuencia de la demora para repartir las indemnizaciones concedidas por la reina Isabel II entre las familias más necesitadas y construir nuevas casas para alojar a la población más afectada, se prolonga la agonía de éstos, víctima de las fiebres y epidemias.

Building a left coast: the legacy of the California Popular Front and the challenge to Cold War liberalism in the post-world war two era

The Cold War in the late 1940s blunted attempts by the Truman administration to extend the scope of government in areas such as health care and civil rights. In California, the combined weakness of the Democratic Party in electoral politics and the importance of fellow travelers and communists in state liberal politics made the problem of how to advance the left at a time of heightened Cold War tensions particularly acute. Yet by the early 1960s a new generation of liberal politicians had gained political power in the Golden State and was constructing a greatly expanded welfare system as a way of cementing their hold on power. In this article I argue that the New Politics of the 1970s, shaped nationally by Vietnam and by the social upheavals of the 1960s over questions of race, gender, sexuality, and economic rights, possessed particular power in California because many activists drew on the longer-term experiences of a liberal politics receptive to earlier anti-Cold War struggles. A desire to use political involvement as a form of social networking had given California a strong Popular Front, and in some respects the power of new liberalism was an offspring of those earlier battles.

Frames and the interpreter in the Imperial War Museum photographic archive

Using Azoulay's frame of the civil gaze, this chapter examines selected Second World War images, catalogued under 'interpreter' in the IWM's photographic archive, looking at representative situations in which interpreters typically operate in wartime - communicating with clandestine forces, liaising between the army and civilians, and dealing with the aftermath of war.