1000 resultados para ordinal relations


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Last year (2011) marked the sixtieth anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Pakistan and China. The bilateral relationship has deepened significantly since 1951, with both countries benefiting from this relationship. However, Pakistan would like to deepen it even further, while China is more pragmatic and cautious. There are irritants, notably the killing of Chinese citizens, the presence of Uighur militants in Pakistan and their different interests in Afghanistan, which could put some stress on the relationship. While the relationship will continue to grow, China is not about to displace the US as Pakistan’s major economic and military aid provider.

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This paper seeks to review and examine the major theoretical underpinnings of research into power relations in IS projects. In order to keep the review manageable and to furnish a reasonable explanation of the ideas and papers referenced, the review is restricted to the ideas of Foucault, Giddens and Clegg. Partly, this restriction was due to the wish of the authors to deal seriously with the ideas presented, and not to produce an exhaustive but terse and taxonomic style review. Partly, the selection of the above theorists is due to the fact that the major IS papers on power relations have drawn on their work. This paper concludes with the presentation of a new theory of power and social influence from social psychology suitable for use in IS research. The ideas of this theory have not yet been examined empirically. Thus, IS researchers are challenged to employ these ideas in their empirical research.

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In this paper, I explore how human-nonhuman relations among nomads of Eastern Tibet may be understood within the framework of a four-fold ontological system proposed by anthropologist, Philippe Descola. In what follows, I provide an account of Descola’s theoretical system, present ethnographic data on human-nonhuman relations from fieldwork with two nomadic communities in Eastern Tibet, and analyze these in light of Descola’s system. I argue that deep ethnographic engagement with and analysis of humannonhuman relations not only furthers our understanding of specific communities but also informs the politics around policies concerned with ‘the environment’.

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It is accepted now that lobbying and public relations share a strong relationship. How did this come about? How did lobbying become a subset of the discipline of public relations and is it accepted as such – by its practitioners and those it serves? In lobbying’s attempts to define the practice it has sought a broader discipline for explanation. Many terms came into being because as Harrison observed ‘ it has been impossible to clearly define a lobbyist’ (2011, p865). Macnamara (2012) includes lobbying under a heading of public affairs and government relations. Sekuless subtitled his 1991 text Lobbying in the Nineties ‘the government relations game’.
This paper seeks to define lobbying and its practice in Australia. In so doing it looks specifically at professional and academic definition of the lobbying and its growth as a subset of PR.

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From empowering consumers and citizens, through to sharing party photographs and organising social events, social networking has transformed the way most people communicate. The Australian dairy industry, wracked by ten years of drought and increasing numbers of activists questioning its environmental and social costs, has established a closed-wall social networking site, called Udderly Fantastic, exclusively for internal stakeholders such as farmers and dairy manufacturers. This case study demonstrates that organisations wanting to engage their stakeholders in an open and transparent way can use social networking as a way of providing information and, importantly, a platform for dialogue in which issues can be raised and discussed.

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Why are some voices louder in public debates than others? And why can’t all voices be equally heard? This book draws significant new meaning to the inter-relationships of public relations and social change through a number of activist case studies, and rebuilds knowledge around alternative communicative practices that are ethical, sustainable, and effective. Demetrious offers a powerful critical description of the dominant model of public relations used in the twentieth century, showing that ‘PR’ was arrogant, unethical and politically offensive in ways that have severely weakened democratic process and its public standing and professional credibility. The book argues that change within the field of public relations is imminent and urgent—for us all. As the effects of climate change intensify, and are magnified by high carbon dioxide emitting industries, vigorous public debate is vital in the exploration of new ideas and action and if alternative futures are to be imagined. In these conditions, articulate and persistent publics will appear in the form of grassroots activists, asking contentious questions about risks and tabling them for public discussion in bold, inventive, and effective ways. Yet the entrenched power relations in and through public relations in contemporary industrialized society provide no certainty these voices will be heard. Following this path, Demetrious theorises an alternative set of social relations to those used in the twentieth century: public communication. Constructed from communicative practices of grassroots activists and synthesis of diverse theoretical positions, public communication is a principled approach that avoids the deep contradictions and flawed coherences of essentialist public relations and instead represents an important ethical reorientation in the communicative fields. Lastly, she brings original new perspectives to understand current and emergent developments in activism and public relations brought about through the proliferation of Internet and digital cultures.

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Ordinal data is omnipresent in almost all multiuser-generated feedback - questionnaires, preferences etc. This paper investigates modelling of ordinal data with Gaussian restricted Boltzmann machines (RBMs). In particular, we present the model architecture, learning and inference procedures for both vector-variate and matrix-variate ordinal data. We show that our model is able to capture latent opinion profile of citizens around the world, and is competitive against state-of-art collaborative filtering techniques on large-scale public datasets. The model thus has the potential to extend application of RBMs to diverse domains such as recommendation systems, product reviews and expert assessments.

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The early provisions protecting freedom of association in Australian federal industrial relations law supported trade union security. The interests of individuals were seen as adequately protected by collective groups. This principle dominated the industrial relations laws from 1904 to the mid-1970s. However, from the late 1970s, the laws were incrementally altered to promote freedom of choice and the rights of individuals not to be part of trade unions. The reframing of the laws also reflected changes in the wider Australian community, manifested particularly in the decline of union density rates. These changes were also part of an international trend, favouring the ideology of neoliberalism which contributed to an unsympathetic environment for trade unions. The current Fair Work Act 2009 (Cth) has signalled a return to collectivism, although freedom of choice is at the heart of the laws rather than the promotion of collective groups. In the absence of legislative support promoting the viability of collective groups, this freedom to choose is threatened, leaving many workers with little choice but to disassociate.

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The Government of India never publicly criticised the White Australia policy. Nonetheless it was a subject of constant reporting to New Delhi by the Indian High Commission in Canberra.  The Australian High Commission in New Delhi regularly reported criticism of the policy in the Indian press and in elite opinion.  It urged the introduction of a quota for Indian immigration to Australia, but ministers remained unwilling to modify the policy in any substantial way, in the period under study.  South Africa's apartheid policy was a far more serious problem in race relations for the Indian Government.  The existence of the White Australia policy when countries such as Canada had introduced quotas for Indian immigration, suggested an Australia mired in attitudes irrelevant to a decolonising world.  The Australian High Commissioner thought that although Nehru made no public comments on the policy, he must have felt insulted by its existence.