995 resultados para Medieval Christianism


Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

The Theorica Pantegni is a medieval medical textbook written in Latin. The author was Constantine the African (Constantinus Africanus), a monk of Tunisian origin. He compiled the work in the latter half of the eleventh century at the Benedictine monastery of Monte Cassino in Italy. - Manuscript Eö.II.14, containing the Theorica Pantegni published here, belongs today to the National Library of Finland. It can be dated to the third quarter of the twelfth century, which makes it one of the earliest surviving exemplars of the Theorica Pantegni: over seventy manuscripts of the work survive, of which about fifteen can be dated to the twelfth century. Manuscript Eö.II.14 is written in black ink on 210 parchment leaves (recto and verso), amounting to 420 pages, in pre-Gothic script. - The present text is a transcription of Ms Eö.II.14. The goal is to provide the reader with an accessible text that is faithful to the original.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Reports and Studies 1 / 2014

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Väitöskirjani tarjoaa laajasti tietoa sotamuistomerkeistä koko Suomen alueelta. Työ purkaa suomalaisten sotamuistomerkkien ilmaisutapoja ja modaalisia keinoja, joilla taideteokset sovittelevat voitetun tai hävityn sodan tarinaa ja kokemuksellisia jännitteitä toisiinsa. Suurin osa analyysin kohteena olevista taideteoksista on pystytetty Suomen itsenäisyyden ajalla vapaudenpatsaiksi tai sankarihautojen, taisteluiden ja vakaumuksensa puolesta kuolleiden muistomerkeiksi. Tutkimus painottuu voiton ideologian vaikutukseen sotakuvaston muotoutumisessa. Avainkysymyksiä ovat, miten sotamuistomerkki viestittää poliittis-ideologisia tavoitteita tai miten muistomerkkien figuurien asennot, eleet ja attribuutit välittävät sotatarinan yhteisöllisiä sisältöjä. Tutkimus tarkentuu teosten modaalisiin piirteisiin ja merkityksenmuodostuksen vuorovaikutteisuuteen. Erikoishuomion kohteena ovat aiheiden sisällölliset ristiriidat ja ilmaisun murtumakohdat. Suurten teosmäärien ja aihetyyppien jaottelussa ja analysoimisessa on hyödynnetty ikonografian, kuvaretoriikan ja eleiden tutkimusta. Suomalaisen aineiston vertailukohtina ovat antiikin sotilasaiheinen taide, keskiaikainen Kristuksen kärsimyskuvasto sekä sotamuistomerkkiperinne Saksassa, Ranskassa, Yhdistyneessä kuningaskunnassa ja Amerikan yhdysvalloissa. Sotien muistokultin merkitysten avaamisessa käytetään diskurssianalyysin välineitä. Tutkimus osoittaa, että sotamuistomerkit rakentavat yhteisön turvallisuudentunnetta ja muokkaavat sotilasimagoa maskuliinisten ideaalien ja implisiittisen vihollis- tai vastakuvan varassa. Kansallisen paatoksen ohessa sotamuistomerkit vahvistavat sotilaiden aseveliaatetta ja luovat kuvaa rikkumattomasta yhteishengestä sekä kotirintamasta. Teokset tulkitsevat valmistumisaikansa usein ristiriitaista tunneilmapiiriä ja tulevaisuuden odotuksia sekä neuvottelevat paikallisesta erityisyydestä ja valtakysymyksistä. Veistosten modaaliset keinot suhteessa toimijarooleihin, kuten autonomisuuden korostus, tunteenomainen toiseen tukeutuminen tai sodan velvoitteisiin suuntautuminen perustuvat yleensä figuurien asentoihin. Sen sijaan figuurien eleet ja attribuutit, tärkeimpinä kypärä, ase, univormu ja lumipuku, tarkentavat suuntautumisen tavoitetta ja ideologista sanomaa. Koska sodassa on kyse vaikeasti käsiteltävistä väkivaltakulttuurin ilmiöistä, muistomerkeillä on hämärretty ja muokattu kuvaa historian tapahtumista. Siten teosten välittämät ideat uhrivalmiudesta ja tunteiden hillinnän velvoitteesta auttavat sotatraumojen ja surun kanavoimisessa sekä purkavat tapahtumiin liittyvää häpeää.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Hippocrates was the first to suggest the healing power of food; however, it was not until the medieval ages that food was considered a tool to modify temperament and mood, although scientific methods as we know them today were not in use at the time. Modern scientific methods in neuroscience began to emerge much later, leading investigators to examine the role of diet in health, including mental well-being, with greater precision. This review shows how short- and long-term forced dietary interventions bring about changes in brain structure, chemistry, and physiology, leading to altered animal behavior. Examples will be presented to show how diets alter brain chemistry, behavior, and the action of neuroactive drugs. Most humans and most animal species examined in a controlled setting exhibit a fairly reproducible pattern of what and how they eat. Recent data suggest that these patterns may be under the neurochemical and hormonal control of the organisms themselves. Other data show that in many instances food may be used unconsciously to regulate mood by seemingly normal subjects as well as those undergoing drug withdrawal or experiencing seasonal affective disorders and obesity-related social withdrawal. We will discuss specific examples that illustrate that manipulation of dietary preference is actually an attempt to correct neurochemical make-up.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

In my PhD Thesis, I study the conceptions and representation of emotions in medieval 13th and 14th-century Iceland. I have used Icelandic saga literature as my source material and Icelandic Family sagas (Íslendingasögur) as my main sources. Firstly, I wished to explore in my study the medieval Icelandic folk theory of emotions: what emotions were thought to be, from what they originated and how they operated? Secondly, in earlier research it has been shown that emotions were seldom described in Íslendingasögur. They were mostly represented in dialogue, poetry or in somatic changes (e.g. turning pale). Consequently, I examined whether medieval Icelanders had alternative emotion discourses in literature, in addition to the usual manner of representation. My study consists of qualitative case studies, and I have analysed the sources intertextually. I suggest that medieval Icelanders regarded emotions as movements of the mind. The mind existed in the heart. As a consequence, emotions were considered physical in nature. The human body and therefore also the human mind was considered porous: if the mind of the person was not strong enough, supernatural agents and forces could penetrate theboundaries of his/her body as winds or sharp projectiles. Correspondingly, minds of strong-willed people could penetrate the minds of others. As a result, illness and emotions could upspring. People did not always distinguish between emotions and physical illnesses. Excessive emotions could cause illness, even death. Especially fear, grief and emotions of moral responsibility (e.g. guilt) made people vulnerable to the supernatural influence. Guilt was considered part of the emotional experience of misfortune (ógæfa), and in literature guilt could also be represented as eye pain that was inflicted upon the sufferer by a supernatural agent in a dream. Consequently, supernatural forces and beings were part of the upspring of emotions, but also part of the representation of emotions in literature: They caused the emotion but their presence also represented the emotional turmoil in the lives of the people that the supernatural agents harassed; emotions that had followed from norm transgressions, betrayal and other forms of social disequilibrium. Medieval readers and listeners of the Íslendingasögur were used to interpreting such different layers of meaning in texts.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Complete critical and codicological description of the book and its contents available in the Codices Fennici -database.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

This study explores swords with ferrous inlays found in Finland and dating from the late Iron Age, ca. 700–1200 AD. These swords reflect profound changes not only in styles and fashion but also in the technology of hilts and blades. This study explores how many of these kinds of swords are known from Finland, how they were made and where, what their status was in Late Iron Age Finland, and where the Finnish finds stand in accordance with other areas of Europe. The various methods included measuring of the finds and statistics. The main method of revealing the inlaid marks was radiography due to its non-destructive nature. In cases where inlays were visible without radiography, their details were inspected via microscopy. To study the materials and manufacture of inlaid swords, a sample of them was metallographically analysed to determine the forging technologies and nature of used materials. Furthermore, the manufacture was also studied with experimental approaches. As a result, a catalogue of 151 swords with ferrous inlays was created. This number is relatively high compared with other European countries, although systematic studies have been conducted in only some countries. The inlaid motifs were classified into five distinct categories to help the classification. To summarize, almost every documented inlaid sword was unique in some respect including measurements, inlaid motifs and materials of blades and inlays. Technological variation was also present, some blades being poorer and some of higher quality in spite of the inlaid motifs. Misspelt inscriptions as well as letter-like marks were common in Finland and also in Scandinavia. Furthermore, the provenance of iron and steel used in some blades hints at Scandinavian ores. The above observations, along with the experimental results indicating the existence of multiple alternative techniques of inlaying, suggest that these swords were manufactured locally in Scandinavia, most likely in imitation of Continental European models. Inlaid swords were valued partly for their assumed functionality in combat, as evidenced by damage on some examined blades, or they were valued for their inlays, which could have had fashionable or symbolical meanings bound to local beliefs.