967 resultados para EU citizens


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Abortion politics are contentious and divisive in many parts of the world, but nowhere more so than in Ireland. Abortion and Nation examines the connection between abortion politics and hegemonic struggles over national identity and the nation-state in the Irish Republic. Situating the abortion question in the global context of human rights politics, as well as international social movements, Lisa Smyth analyses the formation and transformation of abortion politics in Ireland from the early 1980s to the present day. She considers whether or not the shifting connections between morality, rights and nationhood promise a new era of gender equality in the context of nation-state citizenship.
The book provides a new sociological framework through which the significance of conflict over abortion and reproductive freedom is connected to conflict over national identity. It also offers a distinctive in-depth consideration of the connection between gender and nationhood, particularly in terms of its impact on women's status as citizens; within the nation-state; within the European Union; and as members of a global civil society.

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Call centres have in the last three decades come to define the interaction between corporations, governments, and other institutions and their respective customers, citizens, and members. From telemarketing to tele-health services, to credit card assistance, and even emergency response systems, call centres function as a nexus mediating technologically enabled labour practices with the commodification of services. Because of the ubiquitous nature of the call centre in post-industrial capitalism, the banality of these interactions often overshadows the nature of work and labour in this now-global sector. Advances in telecommunication technologies and the globalization of management practices designed to oversee and maintain standardized labour processes have made call centre work an international phenomenon. Simultaneously, these developments have dislocated assumptions about the geographic and spatial seat of work in what is defined here as the new international division of knowledge labour. The offshoring and outsourcing of call centre employment, part of the larger information technology and information technology enabled services sectors, has become a growing practice amongst governments and corporations in their attempts at controlling costs. Leading offshore destinations for call centre work, such as Canada and India, emerged as prominent locations for call centre work for these reasons. While incredible advances in technology have permitted the use of distant and “offshore” labour forces, the grander reshaping of an international political economy of communications has allowed for the acceleration of these processes. New and established labour unions have responded to these changes in the global regimes of work by seeking to organize call centre workers. These efforts have been assisted by a range of forces, not least of which is the condition of work itself, but also attempts by global union federations to build a bridge between international unionism and local organizing campaigns in the Global South and Global North. Through an examination of trade union interventions in the call centre industries located in Canada and India, this dissertation contributes to research on post-industrial employment by using political economy as a juncture between development studies, critical communications, and labour studies.

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This paper first explores the conflictual discourses employed by government agencies, citizens’ initiatives, and environmental organizations over the construction of a High Voltage Power Station (KYT) for demands of the 2004 Olympic Games, as presented in media reports and movement literature over a period of one year. Having in mind recent criticisms targeting the lack of empirical evidence in Ulrich Beck’s risk theorization, this exploration is of distinct importance. Secondly, it takes into account that both the defensive character of societal action and mistrust to expert authorities have been confirmed as prevalent characteristics of both the Greek and the general risk social context. The paper attempts to re-evaluate and/or complement existing perspectives of societal activism in general and environmental mobilizations in particular within the confines of the Greek social context. As a tentative conclusion, it is suggested that the risk perspective offers a novel prism for the examination of societal activism without confining it to the characteristics of individual national contexts.

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In Spain, during the recent housing bubble, purchasing a home seemed the most advantageous strategy to access housing, and there was a wide social consensus about the unavoidability of mortgage indebtedness. However, such consensus has been challenged by the financial and real-estate crisis. The victims of home repossessions have been affected by the transgression of several principles, such as the fair compensation for effort and sacrifice, the prioritisation of basic needs over financial commitments, the possibility of a second chance for over-indebted people, or the State's responsibility to guarantee its citizens' livelihood. Such principles may be understood as part of a moral economy, and their transgression has resulted in the emergence of a social movement, the Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca (PAH), that is questioning the legitimacy of mortgage debts. The article reflects on the extent to which the perception of over-indebtedness and evictions as unfair situations can have an effect on the reproduction of the political-economic system, insofar the latter is perceived as able or unable to repair injustice.

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Denver has emerged from the 1990s as a city region experiencing rapid growth. This has been fuelled by a vibrant local economy, which has adjusted itself from dependency on an earlier oil boom to greater reliance on the information and communications technology sector. The current planning and development challenges are dominated by the need to deal with urban sprawl and pressured transportation infrastructure. The contemporary restructuring of the physical fabric of Denver is marked by a progressive downtown revitalisation effort and a number of space extensive brownfield development projects. The interplay of state and local governments with commercial interests and citizens is a powerful dynamic in shaping these negative and positive outcomes.

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The view that states which claim sovereign status must comply with the responsibility to protect their own citizens is gaining ground in international politics. When a state is unable or unwilling to meet this responsibility, the international community is justified in intervening militarily to end widespread human rights violations. This article argues that a diffuse responsibility to protect, as currently conceived, may have important negative consequences. By using the ongoing tragedy of Darfur as an example, the article argues that the responsibility to protect is reactive and focused on the short term, contributes to the outbreak of violence and perversely provides repressed groups with a further incentive to continue their armed struggle after war breaks out. The tragedy of Darfur shows that effective protection requires case-specific policies aimed at prevention, democratization and economic and political development.

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this paper is about EU “soft policies” on immigrant integration. It analyzes the “Common Basic Principles” (CBPs) and the “European Integration Fund” (EIF), two devices that have been recently established within this framework. It adopts the theoretical perspective of the “anthropology of policy” and “governmentality studies”. It shows the context of birth of the aforementioned devices, as well as their functioning and the assessment done by the actors implied in the elaboration/implementation/evaluation of the related policies. It is based both on documentary research as well as direct observation and interviews done to the actors implied. It concludes that the PBC and the EIF should be considered as a “technology of government”, that strives to align the conduct of the actors with the governmental aims, as well as it produces specific practices and knowledge. It also underlines an intrinsic feature of many policies: their “congenital failure”, since they are (often) disputed and resignified by situated actors, who are embedded in asymmetrical power relations.

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The aim of this paper is to recognize the images that prospective elementary school teachers have about citizenship and citizenship education in school. The qualitative methodology with an ethnographic approach is used for that deep interview of ethnographic kind and analysis of institutional documents, for example, curricula, course syllabus and graduated profi le. The revision of documents helps to a better understanding of discourses. The analysis of the corpus obtained after the application of the paradigm of codifi cation proposed in the established theory. As the principal fi ndings we way point out that the concept of citizens that is common among prospective elementary school teachers is reduced to the school environment because they consider that the promotion of citizenship helps to the incorporation of children to society, thus reproducing a propaedeutic view of education.

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A major concern in recent political discourse is that government has become both isolated from and unresponsive to its citizens. Democracy, by definition, demands a two-way flow of communication between government and civil society and it is now commonly argued that ICTs have the potential to facilitate such improved flows of communication--hence, e-democracy and e-consultation. The preliminary research findings presented here are part of a larger ongoing research project on e-consultation on the island of Ireland (see http://e-consultation.org). The paper initially draws on focus group discussions on the theme of (e)consultation conducted amongst activist citizens. High levels of frustration, scepticism and cynicism were expressed on the form, nature and process of extant consultation processes. The main focus addressed in this paper, however, is on how these citizens envisage ICT being used in future e-consultations. In general, most focus group participants were open to the use of ICT in future e-consultation processes but the consensus was that community groups did not currently have access to an appropriate level or range of infrastructure, technologies or skills. As a follow up to the focus group findings the research group ran a number of demonstrations on e-consultation technologies with invited activist citizens. Technologies introduced included chat room, video-conferencing, WikiPedia, WebIQ, Zing and others. The main preliminary findings and feedback from one such demonstration, and our own observations, are then presented which suggest that the potential does exist for using e-consultation technologies in local democracy and in local government to drive positive change in the government-citizen relationship. We present no na�¯ve solutions here; we merely point to some possibilities and we acknowledge that ICT alone is very unlikely to be a panacea for the declining levels of citizen participation in most democratic societies.

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Sería imposible hacer una enumeración de festejos, espectáculos y representaciones teatrales, que a lo largo de la época moderna, tuvieron como argumento las historias narradas por la literatura homérica. Incontables, pero todas ellas buscaban el don de la elocuencia que tenían desde que en la Antigüedad empezaron a reeditarse. Apenas un iglo después de la recopilación de relatos orales que quedaron hilvanados bajo los títulos de la Iliada y la Odisea –si se acepta la autoría de ese personaje mítico que fue Homero en torno al siglo VIII antes de Cristo–, tiranos y oligarcas atisbaron de forma visionaria las posibilidades que aportaban las tramas en las que se vieron envueltos dioses y héroes. La mitología olímpica no sólo sirvió al propósito de la unificación panhelénica de la nación de naciones que era Grecia, en torno a un mundo de creencias común en el marco de los grandes santuario, sino que además, las vicisitudes de los principales personajes, como Paris, Aquiles, Héctor, Ulises, Pentesilea, Eneas, Agamenón, Andrómaca, Casandra y Helena, proporcionaron un repertorio de modelos de conducta y un protocolo ceremonial en sociedad extremadamente útil. Piedad, fidelidad, excelencia, belleza, sumisión, virtudes morales que habían de “adornar” por igual a gobernantes y a ciudadanos, garantizaban un nuevo orden en la Hélade, constituyendo asimismo las notas distintivas con respecto a los anquilosados y monolíticos Imperios hegemónicos en la zona de Oriente Próximo, Egipcio y Babilónico o Persa, respectivamente. Se propone el análisis de la incidencia iconológica de tales asuntos a partir de la revisión escenográfica de dos libretos para dos representaciones teatrales italianas de finales del Seicento, de los que se encuentran sendos ejemplares en la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid: Il Greco in Troia y La caduta del regno dell´amazzone.

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This paper explores the scope to bridge top-down and bottom-up perspectives on spatial planning by drawing on EU-funded action research in relation to rural settlement planning in Northern Ireland. The empirical work is located within a review of planning theory that exposes a long running tension between the technocratic stances of government planners and the aspirations of engaged citizens. It demonstrates the operation of a large group planning methodology that delivers community preference with environmental responsibility as a participatory input into planning policy formulation. Transferable insights into the dynamics of spatial planning are identified.

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This paper focuses on the specific example of the newly operational Regulation on Advanced Therapy Medicinal Products to explore the potential for biopolitics, an arena in which biocitizens can demand and contest the exercise of EU power over life. The paper shows how the discourses producing, organizing and orchestrating citizen participation in the EU’s governance of advanced therapies from above figure a ‘deficit model’ of citizens in need of education inter alia through their membership of patients’ associations who have membership of the Committee on Advanced Therapies established by the Regulation. Biocitizens are shown to be incorporated to service the EU’s legitimacy needs. The paper then warns against assuming biocitizens’ (self-) reflexivity ensures they do not reiterate and reinforce their construction within the ‘deficit model’ by unwittingly deploying the terms of their subjection. After which the paper highlights some elements that provide a rhetorical and operational opening for participation, and which therefore can be used by biocitizens to reconstruct their engagement with EU governance from below, the wider governance of advanced therapies, as well as in their self-governance.