La Grande Guerre dans le cinéma français de 1918 à 1939 : le discours d’une génération

Cette étude s’intéresse au discours des anciens combattants dans le cinéma français mettant en scène la Grande Guerre entre 1918 et 1939. L’objectif est de démontrer que le film propose une contre-histoire en permettant aux poilus d’exprimer leurs visions et leurs opinions sur 14-18 et sur la société de l’entre-deuxguerre. Utilisant leur expérience du front, les cinéastes deviennent historiens et témoins à la fois. Le film répond à un souci de préservation de la mémoire. Ayant été écarté de l’écriture de l’Histoire officielle, le témoignage des combattants se transpose dans l’image. Ils rétablissent ainsi les omissions et les inexactitudes. Parallèlement, le contexte politico-social influence l’interprétation du conflit, donnant lieu à des films commémoratifs ou politisés. Plus largement, cette étude s’interroge sur les permanences et les ruptures dans le discours dans l’entre-deux-guerre. Elle permet d’observer que la fiction peut en même temps être un témoignage historique de la Grande Guerre et une représentation du temps présent, en proposant une relecture des évènements.

La gauche française et la guerre d'Espagne (1936-1939) : entre idéalisme et pragmatisme

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

«Tu ne tueras plus!» : une étude du processus de «recivilisation» de la société ouest-allemande d’après les catéchismes catholiques (1945-1970)

Chez les historiens qui se sont consacrés à l’étude de l’Allemagne contemporaine, plusieurs considèrent qu’en perpétrant un crime aussi barbare que la Shoah, le Troisième Reich a provoqué une « rupture de civilisation » (Zivilisationsbruch) au sein de l’histoire occidentale. En règle générale, ces spécialistes ont réfléchi sur le sens ainsi que sur les implications historiques et philosophiques de cet événement pour le monde contemporain. Peu d’entre eux, toutefois, se sont intéressés au pendant de cette « rupture de civilisation » : le processus de « recivilisation » qui a été à l’œuvre dans la société ouest-allemande au cours des premières décennies d’après-guerre. Caractérisé par le rejet de la violence et du militarisme, par la restauration des normes élémentaires de la civilité ainsi que par l’importance croissante accordée à des valeurs telles que la démocratie et le respect des droits de la personne, ce processus permet en grande partie d’expliquer comment, en à peine deux décennies, les Allemands de l’Ouest ont réussi à édifier un État stable et démocratique sur les ruines d’une dictature génocidaire. En étudiant la présentation du Décalogue dans les catéchismes catholiques, ce mémoire cherche à déterminer le rôle attribué aux prescriptions morales de nature religieuse dans le processus de « recivilisation » de la société ouest-allemande. Il se propose de montrer qu’au cours des années 1950 et 1960, les catéchismes catholiques publiés en RFA ont présenté de plus en plus d’indices d’une volonté que l’on pourrait qualifier de « recivilisatrice ». Ces indices ont surtout pris la forme d’une attention grandissante aux questions relatives à la guerre et à la paix, d’un assouplissement dans la présentation de l’autorité parentale et de l’adoption d’une conception de l’autorité civile fondée désormais sur l’accomplissement de devoirs civiques plutôt que sur l’obéissance aux supérieurs hiérarchiques.

Mémoire sur l’évolution de la condition féminine de 1945 à nos jours : Etude comparative d’après les ouvrages de: - Le Deuxième sexe de Simone de Beauvoir - Fausse route d’Elisabeth Badinter

Ce mémoire n’a pas la prétention d’aborder la totalité des combats menés par ces deux personnalités, Simone de Beauvoir et Elisabeth Badinter, pour la libération des femmes. Cependant, il permet de mettre en évidence, voire en parallèles les actions essentielles de deux femmes de générations différentes. Avec une même sensibilité et une pugnacité sans faille malgré les difficultés et  critiques rencontrées, elles ont permis à l’ensemble des hommes et surtout des femmes de prendre conscience des inégalités à combattre pour un meilleur « vivre ensemble ».

La costruzione delle relazioni politiche ed economiche tra l'Italia e la Germania occidentale dopo la seconda guerra mondiale (1945-1951)

L’autore ricostruisce ed esamina la storia dei rapporti italo-tedeschi negli anni immediatamente precedenti la riapertura ufficiale delle relazioni diplomatiche tra Italia e Repubblica federale tedesca. Un riavvicinamento economico e politico progressivo, ma che suscitò forti contrasti tra i principali attori della diplomazia italiana. Il saggio si basa su una documentazione conservata presso l’Archivio storico del ministero degli Esteri, l’Archivio centrale dello Stato, l’Archivio storico della Banca d’Italia e l’Archivio Politico del ministero degli Esteri della Repubblica federale. L’autore sostiene che le relazioni economiche italo-tedesche assunsero un ruolo centrale nel processo di elaborazione della politica estera italiana sulla questione tedesca nel corso di questi anni. Prima dell’istituzione della Repubblica federale tedesca, l’Italia divenne un partner economico fondamentale per la Germania occidentale. Tra il 1945 e il 1949 l'Italia fu il primo paese europeo favorevole alla rinascita di un nuovo stato tedesco non sottoposto alla diretta influenza dell’Unione Sovietica. Il presidente del Consiglio De Gasperi e il ministro degli Esteri Sforza per sostenere la nuova Germania attuarono una precisa azione diplomatica di riavvicinamento politico, promuovendo diversi scambi di visite e di incontri con i rappresentanti tedeschi.

Montana Unemployment Compensation Law, Chapter 137, session laws of 1937 as amended by Chapters 137 and 167, session laws of 1939, Chapter 164, session laws of 1941, Chapter 233, session laws of 1943, and Chapter 190, session laws of 1945, and rules and regulations adopted in conformity therewith and in effect March 31, 1945 /

Includes index.

A state of war: Florida from 1939 to 1945

World War II profoundly impacted Florida. The military geography of the State is essential to an understanding the war. The geostrategic concerns of place and space determined that Florida would become a statewide military base. Florida's attributes of place such as climate and topography determined its use as a military academy hosting over two million soldiers, nearly 15 percent of the GI Army, the largest force the US ever raised. One-in-eight Floridians went into uniform. Equally, Florida's space on the planet made it central for both defensive and offensive strategies. The Second World War was a war of movement, and Florida was a major jump off point for US force projection world-wide, especially of air power. Florida's demography facilitated its use as a base camp for the assembly and engagement of this military power. In 1940, less than two percent of the US population lived in Florida, a quiet, barely populated backwater of the United States. But owing to its critical place and space, over the next few years it became a 65,000 square mile training ground, supply dump, and embarkation site vital to the US war effort. Because of its place astride some of the most important sea lanes in the Atlantic World, Florida was the scene of one of the few Western Hemisphere battles of the war. The militarization of Florida began long before Pearl Harbor. The pre-war buildup conformed to the US strategy of the war. The strategy of theUS was then (and remains today) one of forward defense: harden the frontier, then take the battle to the enemy, rather than fight them in North America. The policy of "Europe First," focused the main US war effort on the defeat of Hitler's Germany, evaluated to be the most dangerous enemy. In Florida were established the military forces requiring the longest time to develop, and most needed to defeat the Axis. Those were a naval aviation force for sea-borne hostilities, a heavy bombing force for reducing enemy industrial states, and an aerial logistics train for overseas supply of expeditionary campaigns. The unique Florida coastline made possible the seaborne invasion training demanded for US victory. The civilian population was employed assembling mass-produced first-generation container ships, while Floridahosted casualties, Prisoners-of-War, and transient personnel moving between the Atlantic and Pacific. By the end of hostilities and the lifting of Unlimited Emergency, officially on December 31, 1946, Floridahad become a transportation nexus. Florida accommodated a return of demobilized soldiers, a migration of displaced persons, and evolved into a modern veterans' colonia. It was instrumental in fashioning the modern US military, while remaining a center of the active National Defense establishment. Those are the themes of this work.

A State of War: Florida from 1939 to 1945

World War II profoundly impacted Florida. The military geography of the State is essential to an understanding the war. The geostrategic concerns of place and space determined that Florida would become a statewide military base. Florida’s attributes of place such as climate and topography determined its use as a military academy hosting over two million soldiers, nearly 15 percent of the GI Army, the largest force theUS ever raised. One-in-eight Floridians went into uniform. Equally,Florida’s space on the planet made it central for both defensive and offensive strategies. The Second World War was a war of movement, and Florida was a major jump off point forUSforce projection world-wide, especially of air power. Florida’s demography facilitated its use as a base camp for the assembly and engagement of this military power. In 1940, less than two percent of the US population lived in Florida, a quiet, barely populated backwater of the United States.[1] But owing to its critical place and space, over the next few years it became a 65,000 square mile training ground, supply dump, and embarkation site vital to the US war effort. Because of its place astride some of the most important sea lanes in the Atlantic World,Florida was the scene of one of the few Western Hemisphere battles of the war. The militarization ofFloridabegan long before Pearl Harbor. The pre-war buildup conformed to theUSstrategy of the war. The strategy of theUS was then (and remains today) one of forward defense: harden the frontier, then take the battle to the enemy, rather than fight them inNorth America. The policy of “Europe First,” focused the main US war effort on the defeat of Hitler’sGermany, evaluated to be the most dangerous enemy. In Florida were established the military forces requiring the longest time to develop, and most needed to defeat the Axis. Those were a naval aviation force for sea-borne hostilities, a heavy bombing force for reducing enemy industrial states, and an aerial logistics train for overseas supply of expeditionary campaigns. The unique Florida coastline made possible the seaborne invasion training demanded for USvictory. The civilian population was employed assembling mass-produced first-generation container ships, while Floridahosted casualties, Prisoners-of-War, and transient personnel moving between the Atlantic and Pacific. By the end of hostilities and the lifting of Unlimited Emergency, officially on December 31, 1946, Floridahad become a transportation nexus. Florida accommodated a return of demobilized soldiers, a migration of displaced persons, and evolved into a modern veterans’ colonia. It was instrumental in fashioning the modern US military, while remaining a center of the active National Defense establishment. Those are the themes of this work. [1] US Census of Florida 1940. Table 4 – Race, By Nativity and Sex, For the State. 14.

Communism and Public Opinion in Queensland, 1939-1951 : An Explanation of Queensland's Vote in the 1951 Anti-Communist Referendum

The starting point of this thesis was a desire to explain the rapid demise in the popularity which the Communist Party enjoyed in Queensland during the second world war. Wartime Queensland gave the Australian Communist Party its highest state vote and six years later Queensland again gave the Communist Party its highest state vote - this time however, to ban the Party. From this I was led into exploring the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party, as well as the many sub-groups on its periphery, and the shifts in public response to these. In 1939 Townsville elected Australia's first Communist alderman. Five years later, Bowen elected not only Australia's first but also the British Empire's first, Communist state government member. Of the five electorates the Australian Communist Party contested in the 1944 Queensland State elections, in none did the Party's candidate receive less than twenty per-cent of the formal vote. Not only was the Party seemingly enjoying considerable popular support but this was occurring in a State which, but for the Depression years (May 1929 - June 1932) had elected a Labor State Government at every state election since 1915. In the September 1951 Constitution Alteration Referendum, 'Powers To Deal With Communists and Communism', Queensland regist¬ered the nation's highest "Yes" majority - 55.76% of the valid vote. Only two other states registered a majority in favour of the referendum's proposals, Western Australia and Tasmania. As this research was undertaken it became evident that while various trends exhibited at the time, anti-Communism, the work of the Industrial Groups, Labor opportunism, local area feelings, ideological shifts of the Party, tactics of Communist-led unions, etc., were present throughout the entire period, they were best seen when divided into three chronological phases of the Party's history and popularity. The first period covers the consolidation of the Party's post-Depression popularity during the war years as it benefited from the Soviet Union's colossal contribution to the Allied war efforts, and this support continued for some six months or so after the war. Throughout the period Communist strength within the trade union movement greatly increased as did total Party membership. The second period was marked by a rapid series of events starting in March 1946, with Winston Churchill's "Official Opening" of the Cold War by his sweeping attack on Communism and Russia, at Fulton. Several days later the first of a series of long and bitter strikes in Communist-led unions occurred, as the Party mobil¬ized for what it believed would be a series of attacks on the working class from a ruling class, defending a capitalist system on the verge of an economic collapse. It was a period when the Party believed this ruling class was using Labor reformism as a last desperate 'carrot' to get workers to accept their lot within a capitalist economic framework. Out of the Meat Strike emerged the Industrial Groups, who waged not only a determined war against Communist trade union leadership but also encouraged the A.W.U.-influenced State Labor apparatus to even greater anti-Communist antagonisms. The Communist Party's increasing militancy and Labor's resistance to it, ended finally in the collapse of the Chifley Labor government. Characteristically the third period opens with the Communist Party making an another about-face, desperately trying to form an alliance with the Labor Party and curbing its former adventurist industrial policy, as it prepared for Menzies' direct assault. The Communist Party's activities were greatly reduced, a function of both a declining member-ship and, furthermore, a membership reluctant to confront an increasingly hostile society. In examining the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party and the shifts in public response to these, I have tried to distinguish between general trends occurring within Australia and the national party, and trends peculiar to Queensland and the Queensland branch of the Party, The Communist Party suffered a decline in support and membership right across Australia throughout this period as a result of the national policies of the Party, and the changing nature of world politics. There were particular features of this decline that were peculiar to Queensland. I have, however, singled out three features of particular importance throughout the period for a short but more specifically detailed analysis, than would be possible in a purely chronological study: i.e. the Party's structure, the Party's ideological subservience to Moscow, and the general effect upon it of the Cold War.

La comunicació al servei de la institucionalització. El cas de la revista "Forja" (1945-1966) de l'entorn Virtelià

El component religiós ha estat molt important en la formació de persones que han tingut un paper destacat en l’anomenada societat civil a partir de la recuperació de la democràcia: la formació religiosa que van rebre va desenvocar, posteriorment, en acció política. I aquesta aproximació l'hem treballada a través de la força d’una publicació anomenada 'Forja', una revista de la Confraria de la Mare de Déu de Montserrat de Virtèlia, que articulà al seu voltant tot un camp simbòlic de sentit. S’ha descrit el que s’ha anomenat “entorn Virtèlia”, un entorn creat per unes institucions, –les escoles Virtèlia i la Confraria de la Mare de Déu de Montserrat de Virtèlia–, i una xarxa de relacions personals. Les escoles Virtèlia van ser vigents entre 1939 i 1995. Més de cinquanta anys i generacions, sent les del periode 1940-1960 en el centre d’aquest treball.

Anti-impérialisme et nouvelle gauche radicale dans la Suisse des années 68

Cette thèse entend apporter un éclairage sur l'histoire politique et sociale de la Suisse des années 68, en étudiant l'articulation entre les mouvements anti-impérialistes et la nouvelle gauche radicale, alors foisonnante. Il s'agit d'analyser cette période de contestation au prisme de l'anti-impérialisme révolutionnaire, lequel, dans le contexte de l'opposition à la guerre du Vietnam, a fortement imprégné le mouvement protestataire, en assignant notamment au tiers-monde le rôle de sujet de l'émancipation mondiale. Combinant une triple approche - chronologique, thématique et biographique - ce travail est structuré en quatre parties. La première partie esquisse un panorama des mouvements anti-impérialistes des années 1960 et 1970 en Suisse, avec une focalisation sur les «années anti-imp», entre 1968 et 1975. La deuxième interroge le rapport entre anti¬impérialisme et nouvelle gauche radicale, en proposant une typologie des principaux courants. La troisième partie s'attache à examiner le système de représentations du monde et de la Suisse véhiculé par le discours de l'extrême gauche. Prenant pour objet le militantisme, la dernière partie esquisse un portrait de groupe de la « génération anti-imp », fondé sur une enquête prosopographique et sur un corpus d'entretiens réalisés avec des militants de l'époque. L'étude révèle que l'anti-impérialisme a fourni à la contestation soixante-huitarde un cadre conceptuel et analytique, un facteur de structuration, ainsi qu'un vecteur de mobilisation. Il a en particulier permis à la gauche radicale suisse d'inscrire sa lutte anticapitaliste locale dans un horizon global d'émancipation. L'analyse de l'anti-impérialisme révolutionnaire, qui a connu son apogée dans les années 68 avant de connaître un déclin rapide et presque total, invite à appréhender cette « décennie mouvementée » comme la fin d'un long cycle politique. -- This thesis aims to shed light on the social and political history of Switzerland in the 1960s and 1970s by studying the relationship between anti-imperialist movements and the emerging new radical left. It analyses this time of rebellion through the prism of revolutionary anti-imperialism. In the context of opposition to the Vietnam War, anti-imperialism strongly influenced protest movements, notably by assigning to the Third World the role of main actor in the fight for global emancipation. Combining a threefold approach - chronological, thematic and biographical - this work is structured in four parts. The first part provides a panorama of the anti-imperialist movements of the long 1960s in Switzerland with a focus on the « anti-imp years » between 1968 and 1975. The second part questions the relationship between anti-imperialism and the new radical left and proposes a typology of its main currents. The third part examines how the radical left's discourse represented the world, and Switzerland in particular. The last part addresses the question of activism and outlines a group portrait of the « anti-imp generation » based on a prosopographical study and on a body of interviews with former activists. This study reveals that anti-imperialism, besides serving as an agent of mobilization, provided a conceptual and ideological framework, as well as a structuring factor, to the protest movements. In particular, it enabled the Swiss radical left to fit its local anti-capitalist struggle into a global horizon of emancipation. This analysis of revolutionary anti- imperialism, which had its heyday in the 1960s and 1970s before experiencing a rapid and almost total decline, thus invites us to see this « turbulent decade » as the end of a long political cycle.