1000 resultados para lingüística sincrónica
Resumo:
Aquest tesina posa de manifest la gran importància que té la publicitat per a configurar els imaginaris col·lectius, així com identitaris, i la manera com aquests serveixen per identificar-nos com a grup. Per mitjà no només de l'anàlisi de les campanyes publicitàries sinó també de la llengua de l'etiquetatge, el domini web, els patrocinis, les col·laboracions i les iniciatives que cada marca duu a terme, el lector i consumidor es fa una idea de quins són els elements icònics i verbals que ens defineixen com a poble i de quina manera cadascuna d'aquestes els empra per transmetre la seva versió de la catalanitat
Resumo:
El propòsit d’aquesta recerca és analitzar i descriure les estratègies metodològiques que es porten als centres educatius de Catalunya per promoure la inclusió de l’alumnat nouvingut a les aules d’educació infantil. Durant els últims anys hi ha hagut un augment considerable de matriculacions dins i fora de termini d’alumnat procedent d’altres països. En conseqüència, les escoles han hagut d’assumir, amb més força que mai, el repte de la diversitat lingüística, cultural i social. Per analitzar aquesta qüestió en la present recerca, s’ha partit de la realitat de dues escoles catalanes amb alumnat de característiques molt diverses. Una escola amb un percentatge baix de nouvinguts, i l’altra, amb un percentatge molt elevat. Aquesta anàlisi de les experiències a les dues escoles catalanes s’ha centrat en l’observació i analitzar les estratègies metodològiques que s’emprenen a l’escola. Tot i que el present treball té com a centre l’educació infantil, donat que estic cursant aquest grau de mestre/a, la incorporació de l’alumnat nouvingut no pot deslligar-se dels plantejaments globals de centre. Per tant, la recerca no s’ha cenyit exclusivament a l’educació infantil sinó que també ha tingut en compte el conjunt d’accions també de l’educació primària i, molt especialment, una de les estratègies centrals en l’acollida d’infants nouvinguts com són les aules d’acollida. Aquestes vetllen per la inclusió de l’alumnat a l’aula ordinària, la cohesió social de tot l’alumnat i la igualtat d’oportunitats en el camí cap a l’educació intercultural basada en el respecte i coneixement de les diverses cultures presents a l’aula.
Resumo:
El present estudi de cas se centra en la identificació de les actituds, motivacions i percepcions vers les Tecnologies de la Informació i la Comunicació (TIC) que té el professorat de les escoles La Bressola. Existeix molta documentació del treball en la immersió lingüística de la llengua catalana que fan aquests centres, però no s’ha fet cap estudi que parli de l’ús de les TIC a La Bressola. El constant avenç tecnològic no només implica canvis en la societat, sinó també a nivell educatiu. Per aquest motiu, els docents han d’adaptar-se els nous canvis i saber com integrar els nous recursos digitals dins l’aula per continuar progressant en els processos d’ensenyament i aprenentatge. A través d’una enquesta dirigida al professorat de La Bressola, s’ha vist que els docents de La Bressola mostren una actitud optimista vers l’ús de les TIC, tot i que els principals factors que influeixen per a la bona integració de les eines és la falta de formació i de recursos digitals.
Resumo:
Este artículo parte de la hipótesis de que la palabra fiesta posee un peso semántico mayor que su correspondiente holiday norteamericana y que esta desigualdad se puede corroborar en el ámbito de la antropología, la literatura, la lexicografía y la semántica lingüística. La falta de equivalencia semántica de ambos vocablos puede ocasionar dificultades en encuentros interculturales, ya que la traducción literal no consigue transmitir las diversas connotaciones semánticas de la fiesta. Convendría, pues, evitar tanto que el estudiante hispanohablante vuelque en el sustantivo estadounidense sus nociones culturales festivas, como que el estudiante norteamericano de español reduzca el término lingüístico al colorismo de una celebración lúdica o incluso taurina.
Resumo:
El artículo intentará ofrecer una pincelada sobre qué nos deparan las unidades fraseológicas de diversas procedencias cuando se refieren a otras lenguas o a sus hablantes. La connotación es casi siempre peyorativa para la lengua del otro, se trate de una variante vernácula minorizada, como el patués, o de cualquier idioma extranjero ininteligible y por ello molesto a los autóctonos. El prejuicio lingüístico, constante universal que persiste en nuestro mundo globalizado bajo diversas formas, puede originarse por circunstancias históricas, en el caso de contactos entre pueblos por movimientos migratorios, conflictos bélicos o directamente por invasiones. Sería el caso del pidgin English para los súbditos de Su Majestad que se vieron obligados a aprender la lengua del Imperio, o del parler petit nègre de los africanos orientales en el siglo XIX. La algarabía es ahora sinónimo de confusión lingüística y antaño de lengua árabe, incomprensible para los peninsulares, «que hablaban en cristiano». En otras ocasiones, se trata del estereotipo de la cultura remota desconocida, como «Me suena a chino». Nuestra cata abarcará, entre otros, ejemplos en inglés, francés, castellano y catalán.
Resumo:
Although paraphrasing is the linguistic mechanism underlying many plagiarism cases, little attention has been paid to its analysis in the framework of automatic plagiarism detection. Therefore, state-of-the-art plagiarism detectors find it difficult to detect cases of paraphrase plagiarism. In this article, we analyse the relationship between paraphrasing and plagiarism, paying special attention to which paraphrase phenomena underlie acts of plagiarism and which of them are detected by plagiarism detection systems. With this aim in mind, we created the P4P corpus, a new resource which uses a paraphrase typology to annotate a subset of the PAN-PC-10 corpus for automatic plagiarism detection. The results of the Second International Competition on Plagiarism Detection were analysed in the light of this annotation. The presented experiments show that (i) more complex paraphrase phenomena and a high density of paraphrase mechanisms make plagiarism detection more difficult, (ii) lexical substitutions are the paraphrase mechanisms used the most when plagiarising, and (iii) paraphrase mechanisms tend to shorten the plagiarized text. For the first time, the paraphrase mechanisms behind plagiarism have been analysed, providing critical insights for the improvement of automatic plagiarism detection systems.
Resumo:
This article introduces EsPal: a Web-accessible repository containing a comprehensive set of properties of Spanish words. EsPal is based on an extensible set of data sources, beginning with a 300 million token written database and a 460 million token subtitle database. Properties available include word frequency, orthographic structure and neighborhoods, phonological structure and neighborhoods, and subjective ratings such as imageability. Subword structure properties are also available in terms of bigrams and trigrams, bi-phones, and bi-syllables. Lemma and part-of-speech information and their corresponding frequencies are also indexed. The website enables users to either upload a set of words to receive their properties, or to receive a set of words matching constraints on the properties. The properties themselves are easily extensible and will be added over time as they become available. It is freely available from the following website: http://www.bcbl.eu/databases/espal
Resumo:
L'article analitza com nou estudiants universitaris de primer curs comprenen la ideologia de dos editorials que tracten un mateix tema polític des d'una orientació oposada. La metodologia és qualitativa i utilitza qüestionaris oberts i entrevistes semiestructurades per recollir les respostes i els comentaris dels informants, que es contrasten amb l'anàlisi lingüística usant l'aparell teòric de l'Anàlisi del Discurs. Els resultats mostren una gran diversitat de conductes, des de lectors que poden identificar la ideologia i elaborar una resposta personal coherent, fins a lectors que donen interpretacions erràtiques i incoherents. La discussió de les dades suggereix algunes vies per promoure un aprenentatge de pràctiques lectores més crítiques i contextualitzades.
Resumo:
El treball que ara teniu a les mans és un estudi sobre la toponímia del terme municipal de Soses, és a dir, en les següents pàgines es realitza un inventari tipològic i una aproximació etimològica dels diferents topònims que es troben en aquest poble. En primer lloc, es va treballar en la tasca d’inventariar tots els topònims. La confecció d’aquest inventari ha reposat en dues activitats: d’una banda, l’anotació de tots els noms que ara es fan servir al terme municipal de Soses i, de l’altra, la recerca de documentació antiga per trobar aquells noms que han caigut en desús. Un cop recollits tots els noms de lloc hem elaborat una fitxa monogràfica, que són el cos central de l’estudi, per cadascun dels topònims establerts on hi hem fet constar: una descripció del topònim en qüestió; documentació antiga (en els casos que n’hem trobat); l’origen etimològic; la pronúncia; i la classificació semàntica, lingüística i morfolèxica. Finalment, hem realitzats uns gràfics per poder extreure les conclusions pertinents.
Resumo:
Julià-Bernat Alart (1824 – 1880, Vinçà) fou un arxiver, historiador i filòleg rossellonès de primer ordre. Entre molts treballs que va dur a terme, hem volgut treure a la llum uns primers resultats sobre l’inèdit Essai de dictionnaire historique de la langue catalane. Es tracta d’un recull de 14.639 cèdules lexicogràfiques que consten d’una paraula catalana amb una o més documentacions antigues. Gràcies a aquest material, hem pogut demostrar que l’Essai aporta nova informació lingüística i històrica que no recullen cap dels dos diccionaris històrics de referència del català ―el DCVB i el DECat―, com ara nous lemes o atestacions primerenques
Resumo:
The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.
Resumo:
En aquest article es pretén traçar una anàlisi crítica, basada en els resultats de recerques empíriques, d'alguns arguments que s'han utilitzat per justificar aquest avençament, que s'ha presentat com una millora indiscutible de les reformes educatives del nostre país d'aquests darrers anys.
Resumo:
The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.
Resumo:
Des de ja fa uns quants anys existeix un fenomen lingüístic a França que encara avui dia no deixa de sorprendre ni de cridar l'atenció; es tracta d'una parla, o més aviat d’un argot que s’anomena verlan. El verlan, doncs, és un argot que troba el seu origen als barris marginals dels afores de les ciutats (les banlieues), i per la qual cosa s’associa normalment a la classe baixa i marginal d’aquestes. Així, aquest argot es va convertir en un autèntic “art del parlar” del sector juvenil del segle XX, el qual era utilitzat bàsicament per marcar una diferència de classe social i que els seu parlants es poguessin comunicar entre ells sense que ningú altre que no formés part del seu entorn pugui entendre el què deien. El verlan és un argot que es caracteritza per fer una inversió de les paraules, però tot i que sembli inventada, aquesta inversió de fonemes es fa segons unes regles i en funció del nombre de síl•labes del terme. Els mitjans de comunicació van contribuir molt en l’expansió d’aquest argot, però el moviment hip-hop va ser un dels principals mitjans d’expansió, ja que va "vulgaritzar" el verlan i va difondre’l a totes les capes de la societat a partir de les seves peculiars cançons. Així doncs, la pregunta que molts ens plantegem és la de si el verlan és realment una amenaça per al francès estàndard o no.