956 resultados para Socialist Party


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The present work deals with the study of the effects of selfing and crossing in pures lines of okra inbred for five generations and the methods of breeding in this plant. This work is party of a large program of this Dept. to study heterosis in plants naturally self pollinated. The technic of selfing consists of tying with a string the floral bud before anthesis. To make controlled crosses, it is necessary to emasculate the flowers removing the anthers with small forceps, and to cover the flowers with a bag and wait for 1 or 2 days until the blooming. Also, the male parents are covered with paper bags prior to flowering. Finally, the pollen is brushed lightly over the stigma of the emasculated flowers and the females unit rebagged. The authors have tried without sucess the technic of soda fountain straw used for cotton. The treatments were: I) Fl of the cross pure-line x foreign variety (not improved by breeding). II) Fl of the cross pure-line x parental variety and III) pure-line 5 generations inbred. In order to compare the production of these three treatments, a randomized blocks with 4 replications was designed; since we had 6 families in each treatment, the total number was: 4 replications x 3 treatments x 6 families: = 72. Each familiy was planted in lines of 10 plants. Owing to the design devised, the present experiment corresponds to a split-plot. The analysis of variance of the number and the weight of the pods is given in tables 2 and 4, and shows the following: 1) The production expressed in both numbers and weights of the cross, - pure lines x foreign variety - was statistically smaller than the others treatments, i, e., the cross of pure-lines x parental variety and the pure-lines; 2) The production of the treatments pure-lines x parental variety and selfed purelines was the same. It was proved that the selfing do not produce harmful effects in okra, it was benefical, since after 5 inbred generations the production was the same when compared with Fl of the parental variety. Also, the methods of pure-lines are indicated to improve varieties of okra.

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The objective of this study was to evaluate benthic macroinvertebrate communities as bioindicators of water quality in five streams located in the "Reserva Particular do Patrimônio Natural" (RPPN) Mata Samuel de Paula and its surroundings, in the municipality of Nova Lima near the city of Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais State, southeastern Brazil. This region has been strongly modified by human activities including mining and urbanization. Samples were collected in the field every three months between August 2004 and November 2005, totaling six samplings in the rainy and dry seasons. This assessment identified one area ecologically altered while the other sampling sites were found to be minimally disturbed systems, with well-preserved ecological conditions. However, according to the Biological Monitoring Work Party (BMWP) and the Average Score Per Taxon (ASPT) indices, all sampling sites had excellent water quality. A total of 14,952 organisms was collected, belonging to 155 taxa (148 Insecta, two Annelida, one Bivalvia, one Decapoda, one Planariidae, one Hydracarina, and one Entognatha). The most abundant benthic groups were Chironomidae (47.9%), Simuliidae (12.3%), Bivalvia (7.5%), Decapoda (6.1%), Oligochaeta (5.2%), Polycentropodidae (3.7%), Hydropsychidae (2.5%), Calamoceratidae (1.8%), Ceratopogonidae (1.7%), and Libellulidae (1.2%). The assessment of the benthic functional feeding groups showed that 34% of the macroinvertebrates were collector-gatherers, 29% predators, 24% collector-filterers, 8% shredders, and 5% scrapers. The RPPN Mata Samuel de Paula comprises diversified freshwater habitats that are of great importance for the conservation of many benthic taxa that are intolerant to organic pollution.

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The main goal of this paper is to analyze the political outcome in countries where the relevant issue in elections is the control of immigration. In particular we explore the consequences on the political outcome of the fact that parties are either ideological or opportunistic with respect to this issue. In order to do that we use a simple two-party political competition model in which the issues over which parties take positions are the level of border enforcement and the way it has to be ?nanced. We show that an ideological rather than a pure opportunistic behavior gives parties an advantage to win the election. In particular, in most of the cases we consider we ?nd that rightist parties have an advantage to win in countries where the relevant issue in election is illegal immigration. This result may help us to understand the recent success of anti-immigrant and rightist parties in several countries.

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We address the question of how a third-party payer (e.g. an insurer) decides what providers to contract with. Three different mechanisms are studied and their properties compared. A first mechanism consists in the third-party payer setting up a bargaining procedure with both providers jointly and simultaneously. A second mechanism envisages the outcome of the same simultaneous bargaining but independently with every provider. Finally, the last mechanism is of different nature. It is the so-called "any willing provider" where the third-party payer announces a contract and every provider freely decides to sign it or not. The main finding is that the decision of the third-party payer depends on the surplus to be shared. When it is relatively high the third-party payer prefers the any willing provider system. When, on the contrary, the surplus is relatively low, the third-party payer will select one of the other two systems accor ing to how bargaining power is distributed.

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In several instances, third-party payers negotiate prices of health care services with providers. We show that a third-party payer may prefer to deal with a professional association than with the sub-set constituted by the more efficient providers, and then apply the same price to all providers. The reason for it is the increase in the bargaining position of providers. The more efficient providers are also the ones with higher profits in the event of negotiation failure. This allows them to ext act a higher surplus from the third-party payer.

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This paper investigates experimentally how organisational decision processes affect the moral motivations of actors inside a firm that must forego profits to reduce harming a third party. In a "vertical" treatment, one insider unilaterally sets the harm-reduction strategy; the other can only accept or quit. In a "horizontal" treatment, the insiders decide by consensus. Our 2-by-2 design also controls for communication effects. In our data, communication makes vertical firms more ethical; voice appears to mitigate "responsibility-alleviation" in that subordinates with voice feel responsible for what their firms do. Vertical firms are then more ethical than the horizontal firms for which our bargaining data reveal a dynamic form of responsibility-alleviation and our chat data indicate a strong "insider-outsider" effect.

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Thirty-six persons living on a farm located in the state of Minas Gerais (Brazil) were studied. Nine of them had the glandular form of toxoplasmosis, between May and August, 1976. These nine cases of toxoplasmosis were confirmed serologically by immunefluorescence-IF-, presenting IgG antibody titres between 1:4096 and 1:32000 and IgM antibody titres between 1:16 and 1:8000. Twelve out of thirty-six persons studied were considered to be "dubious cases". They were defined either by presenting a clinical picture compatible with acquired toxoplasmosis, yet having low serologic titres, or inversely they did not have a clear clinical picture but had serologic evidence of recent Toxoplasma infection. Fifteen out of thirty-six persons studied showed neither serologic nor clinical evidence of recent Toxoplasma infection. The epidemiologic information suggests two possible modes of transmission: a) poorly cooked pork at a barbecue party; b) farm vegetables and soil contaminated with Toxoplasma gondii oocysts (rat-cat cycle). Serologic follow-up nine months later in the human farm population demonstrated still high IgG titres, yet they tended to decline and IgM titres became negative. Three years later most of the IgG titres continued to decline and were almost compatible with the titres obtained in Brazilian population surveys.

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I analyze, in the context of business and science research collaboration, how the characteristics of partnership agreements are the result of an optimal contract between partners. The final outcome depends on the structure governing the partnership, and on the informational problems towards the efforts involved. The positive effect that the effort of each party has on the success of the other party, makes collaboration a preferred solution. Divergence in research goals may, however, create conflicts between partners. This paper shows how two different structures of partnership governance (a centralized, and a decentralized ones) may optimally use the type of project to motivate the supply of non-contractible efforts. Decentralized structure, however, always choose a project closer to its own preferences. Incentives may also come from monetary transfers, either from partners sharing each other benefits, or from public funds. I derive conditions under which public interventio

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This paper enquires into whether economic sanctions are effective in destabilizing authoritarian rulers. We argue that this effect is mediated by the type of authoritarian regime against which sanctions are imposed. Thus, personalist regimes and monarchies, which are more dependent on aid and resource rents to maintain their patronage networks, are more likely to be affected by sanctions. In contrast, single-party and military regimes are able to maintain (and even increase) their tax revenues and to reallocate their expenditures and so increase their levels of cooptation. Data on sanction episodes, authoritarian rulers and regimes covering the period 1946–2000 have allowed us to test our hypotheses. To do so, duration models have been run, and the results confirm that personalist autocrats are more vulnerable to foreign pressure. Concretely, the analysis of the modes of exit reveals that sanctions increase the likelihood of an irregular change of ruler, such as a coup. Sanctions are basically ineffective when targeting single-party or military regimes.

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(from the journal abstract) A new observational procedure, Trilogue Play with Still-face, revealed 4-month-olds' capacities to address both their fathers and mothers, by rapidly shifting gaze and affect between them. Infants were observed in four interactive contexts: (1) '3-together' play with both parents; (2) '2 + 1' play with one parent engaging and the other as third party; (3) the same, with one parent posing a still-face; (4) '3-together' play. Infants were able to discriminate between the four contexts. They coordinated three social poles of attention in each one. Their affect configurations were context sensitive. These findings demonstrate the infant's social capacities for triangular, three-person interactions, in addition to dyadic, two-person, and triadic, two-person plus object, ones. They support a view of intersubjectivity as primary and point to a promising field of investigation for the study of family process. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2005 APA, all rights reserved)

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Résumé de thèseLe syndrome de PFAPA est une maladie fébrile récurrente décrite pour la première fois en 1987 par Marshall et col. Elle est caractérisée par une fièvre périodique, une stomatite aphteuse, une pharyngite et des adénopathies. Ce syndrome débute dans les premières années de vie et est connu pour disparaître spontanément en principe avant l'adolescence. Hormis un traitement de prednisone en début de crise, aucun traitement n'a pu montrer une efficacité thérapeutique ou curative.L'origine et l'étiologie de cette maladie sont encore inconnues à ce jour et le diagnostic reste un diagnostic d'exclusion qui repose sur des critères définis par différents groupes depuis 1987. Dans le cadre du Working Party periodic fever de la Société Européenne de Rhumatologie pédiatrique (PreS), un groupe a été établi et celui-ci a mis en place un registre de patients atteints de PFAPA afin d'analyser cette maladie et de mieux définir les critères diagnostic. Le Dr Michael Hofer a été nommé chairman de ce groupe et a introduit rapidement les patients romands dans cet outil de travail.L'introduction des patients romands dans la base de données ainsi créée, nous a suggéré une susceptibilité familiale qui nous a poussés à investiguer ce point de manière plus approfondie. Nous avons donc regroupé tous les patients lausannois et ceux de collègues bordelais ayant un diagnostic avéré de PFAPA. Nous avons ensuite interrogé, au cours d'un entretien téléphonique, les familles de ces enfants grâce à un questionnaire standardisé. Celui-ci a été testé et validé sur des patients sains d'une consultation de pédiatrie générale.Nous avons ensuite réunie toutes ces informations et séparés les patients en deux groupes AF+ (anamnèse familiale positive pour une fièvre récurrente) et AF- (anamnèse familiale négative pour une fièvre récurrente). Nous avons établi des comparaisons entre les 2 différents groupes en reprenant les caractéristiques de ces patients depuis le registre PFAPA dans lequel ils sont tous inclus. Les analyses ont été contrôlées et validées par le centre d'épidémiologie clinique grâce aux méthodes statistiques reconnues.Les résultats obtenus et qui sont détaillés dans l'article, permettent de suspecter une origine familiale et par là même, potentiellement génétique, à cette maladie d'étiologie inconnue. Jusqu'à présent aucune prépondérance familiale n'avait pu être mise en évidence dans les autres études sur le sujet. Pourtant cette maladie fait partie du groupe des fièvres récurrentes qui ont pour beaucoup déjà un diagnostic génétique.Notre étude ouvre donc des perspectives non seulement de recherche sur l'éventuelle cause génétique mais pourrait également permettre une meilleure compréhension de la maladie, de ses diverses présentations ainsi que par la suite de nouvelles possibilités thérapeutiques.

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This article sets out a theoretical framework for the study of organisational change within political alliances. To achieve this objective it uses as a starting point a series of premises, the most notable of which include the definition of organisational change as a discrete, complex and focussed phenomenon of changes in power within the party. In accordance with these premises, it analyses the synthetic model of organisational change proposed by Panebianco (1988). After examining its limitations, a number of amendments are proposed to adapt it to the way political alliances operate. The above has resulted in the design of four new models. In order to test its validity and explanatory power in a preliminary manner, the second part looks at the organisational change of the UDC within the CiU alliance between 1978 and 2001. The discussion and conclusions reached demonstrate the problems of determinism of the Panebianco model and suggest, tentatively, the importance of the power balance within the alliance as a key factor.

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The Scottish National Party led Scottish Government has identified household poverty as a key focus for its anti-poverty strategy. The government’s ‘Solidarity Target’ seeks to both increase wealth and increase the share of total income gained by these three deciles. The ability to demonstrate the advantages of policy divergence within Scotland, relative to the other parts of the United Kingdom, is central to the Government’s aim of gaining support for increased powers for the devolved government. This paper seeks to provide evidence on one aspect of the government’s anti- poverty strategy; the degree to which Scotland differs from the rest of the UK over levels of entrenched poverty. The paper demonstrates that not only does Scotland have greater entrenched poverty but that the changes in mobility since the 1990s have impacted on Scotland to a lesser degree than the rest of the UK.

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Recent attempts to incorporate optimal fiscal policy into New Keynesian models subject to nominal inertia, have tended to assume that policy makers are benevolent and have access to a commitment technology. A separate literature, on the New Political Economy, has focused on real economies where there is strategic use of policy instruments in a world of political conflict. In this paper we combine these literatures and assume that policy is set in a New Keynesian economy by one of two policy makers facing electoral uncertainty (in terms of infrequent elections and an endogenous voting mechanism). The policy makers generally share the social welfare function, but differ in their preferences over fiscal expenditure (in its size and/or composition). Given the environment, policy shall be realistically constrained to be time-consistent. In a sticky-price economy, such heterogeneity gives rise to the possibility of one policy maker utilising (nominal) debt strategically to tie the hands of the other party, and influence the outcome of any future elections. This can give rise to a deficit bias, implying a sub-optimally high level of steady-state debt, and can also imply a sub-optimal response to shocks. The steady-state distortions and inflation bias this generates, combined with the volatility induced by the electoral cycle in a sticky-price environment, can significantly

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The use of the Internet now has a specific purpose: to find information. Unfortunately, the amount of data available on the Internet is growing exponentially, creating what can be considered a nearly infinite and ever-evolving network with no discernable structure. This rapid growth has raised the question of how to find the most relevant information. Many different techniques have been introduced to address the information overload, including search engines, Semantic Web, and recommender systems, among others. Recommender systems are computer-based techniques that are used to reduce information overload and recommend products likely to interest a user when given some information about the user's profile. This technique is mainly used in e-Commerce to suggest items that fit a customer's purchasing tendencies. The use of recommender systems for e-Government is a research topic that is intended to improve the interaction among public administrations, citizens, and the private sector through reducing information overload on e-Government services. More specifically, e-Democracy aims to increase citizens' participation in democratic processes through the use of information and communication technologies. In this chapter, an architecture of a recommender system that uses fuzzy clustering methods for e-Elections is introduced. In addition, a comparison with the smartvote system, a Web-based Voting Assistance Application (VAA) used to aid voters in finding the party or candidate that is most in line with their preferences, is presented.