960 resultados para Ideological colonization


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During the interwar period (1919–1939), protagonists of the early New Zealand Olympic Committee (NZOC) worked to renegotiate and improve the country's international sporting participation and involvement in the International Olympic Committee. To this end, NZOC effectively used its locally based administrators and well-placed expatriates in Britain to variously assert the organization's nascent autonomy, independence and political power, progress Antipodean athlete's causes and counter any potential doubt about the nation's peripheral position in imperial sporting dialogues. Adding to the corpus of scholarship on New Zealand's ties and tribulations with imperial Britain, both in and beyond sport (e.g. Beilharz and Cox, 2007, “Settler Capitalism Revisited,” Thesis Eleven 88: 112–124; Belich, 2001, Paradise Reforged: A History of the New Zealanders from the 1880s to the Year 2000, Auckland: Allen Lane; Belich, 2007, Making Peoples: A History of the New Zealanders from Polynesian Settlement to the End of the Nineteenth Century, Auckland: The Penguin Group; Coombes, 2006, Rethinking Settler Colonialism: History and Memory in Australia, Canada, Aotearoa New Zealand and South Africa, Manchester: Manchester University Press; MacLean, 2010, “New Zealand (Aotearoa),” In Routledge Companion to Sports History, edited by Steve W. Pope and John Nauright, 510–525, London: Routledge; Phillips, 1984, “Rugby, War and the Mythology of the New Zealand Male,” The New Zealand Journal of History 18 (1): 83–103; Phillips, 1987, A Man's Country: The Image of the Pakeha Male, Auckland: Penguin Books; Ryan, 2004, The Making of New Zealand Cricket, 1832–1914, London: Frank Cass; Ryan, 2005, Tackling Rugby Myths: Rugby and New Zealand Society 1854–2004, Dunedin: University of Otago Press; Ryan, 2007, “Sport in 19th-Century Aotearoa/New Zealand: Opportunities and Constraints,” In Sport in Aotearoa/New Zealand Society, edited by Chris Collins and Steve Jackson, 96–111, Auckland: Thomson), I will examine how the political actions and strategic location of three key NZOC agents (specifically, administrator Harry Amos and expatriates Arthur Porritt and Jack Lovelock) worked in their own particular ways to assert the position of the organization within the global Olympic fraternity. I argue that the efforts of Amos, Porritt and Lovelock also concomitantly served to remind Commonwealth sporting colleagues (namely Britain and Australia) that New Zealand could not be characterized as, or relegated to being, a distal, subdued or subservient colonial sporting partner. Subsequently, I contend that NZOC's development during the interwar period, and particularly the utility of expatriate agents, can be contextualized against historiographical shifts that encourage us to rethink, reimagine and rework narratives of empire, colonization, national identity, commonwealth and belonging.

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Tese de doutoramento, Linguística (Linguística Aplicada), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 2016

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Don’t tell me the moon is shining; show me the glint of light on broken glass Anton Chekhov Representations of Africa in cinema are almost as old as cinema itself and date back to Hollywood’s silent era. Most early examples feature the continent as a mere exotic backdrop and include The Sheik (Melford 1921), soon followed, in 1926, by George Fitzmaurice’s Son of the Sheik starring Rudolph Valentino. The next decade brought Van Dyke’s Tarzan movies, Robert Stevenson’s King Solomon’s Mines (1937), and, on the European side, Duvivier’s Pépé le Moko (1936). For representations of Francophone Africa by Africans themselves, the viewing public more or less had to wait, however, until decolonisation in the 1960s (with, for example, Sembene Ousmane’s Borom Sarret and La Noire de…, both released in 1966 and, in 1968, Mandabi). Since then Francophone African cinema has come a long way and has diversified into various strands. Between Borom Sarret and Mahamat-Saleh Haroun’s 2006 Daratt, Saison sèche - or the same director’s Un homme qui crie, almost half a century has elapsed. Over this period, films inevitably have addressed a spectrum of visual, ideological and political tropes. They range from unadorned depictions of the newly independent states and their societies to highly aestheticised productions, not to mention surreal and poetic visions as displayed for instance in Djibril Diop Mambéty’s Touki Bouki (1973). Most of the early films send an overt socio-political message which is a clear and explicit denunciation of a corrupt state of affairs (Souleymane Cissé’s Baara, 1977). They aim to trigger strong emotional and political responses from the viewer, in unambiguous support for the film-maker’s stand. Sembene himself declared: “I consider cinema a means of political action” (Murphy 2000: 221). Similarly, the Mauritanian director Med Hondo wishes to “take up this technical medium and to make it a mouthpiece on behalf of [his] fellow Africans and Arabs” (Jeffries 2002: 11). All this echoes the claims of the Fédération Panafricaine des Cinéastes (FEPACI, founded in 1969), an organisation “dedicated to the liberation of Africa”. In sharp contrast to the incipient momentum given Francophonie by Bourguiba, the Nigerien Hamani Diori and the Senegalese Senghor, who invoked a worldwide communauté organique francophone, FEPACI called for “the creation of an aesthetics of disalienation… [using] didactic... forms to denounce the alienation of countries that were politically independent but culturally and economically dependent on the West” (Diawara 1996: 40). Sembene’s Xala (1974) became the blueprint for this, to this day the best-known vein of Francophone African cinema. Thus considered, this pedigree seems a million miles from mainstream global cinema with its overriding mission to entertain. A question therefore arises: to what extent can a cinema that sprang from such beginnings be seen to interface in any meaningful way with a global film industry that, overwhelmingly and for a century, has indeed entertained the world – with Hollywood at its centre?

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Russia’s response to the Arab Spring ranged from apprehension to deep anxiety and diverged significantly from the US and the EU responses. While initially welcoming the popular demands for political reform in North Africa, the Russian reaction rapidly became more critical as a result of Western military intervention into Libya and the threat of the spread of Islamist extremism. It was these twin fears which prompted the Russian leadership to adopt an uncompromizing stance towards Syria. While geopolitical factors certainly played a role in driving Russian strategy, domestic political factors were also more significant. As the Russian leadership felt internally threatened by the growing opposition within the country, conflict in the Middle East highlighted the perceived flaws of the imposition of Western liberal democracy and the virtues of Russia’s own model of state-managed political order. There was, as such, a significant ideational and ideological dimension to the Russian response to the Arab Spring.

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The Conservative Party has in the 2015 British general elections won an absolute majority under David Cameron’s leadership. Cameron’s rule signifies an important phase in British politics in the 21st century. This paper asks the question: What is Cameronism? Cameron argues that Margaret Thatcher “was a big influence” for him. It is therefore appropriate to study the relationship between Thatcherism and Cameronism. The article revisits theories of Thatcherism and understands it as a unity of ideology and policies that is organised along three dimensions: the economy, politics, and culture. An ideology critique study of key speeches, interviews and documents analyses these three dimensions of Cameronism. A comparison of Cameronism and Thatcherism shows that questions of national identity, the European Union and immigration form a key ideological and political dimension of Cameronism.

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INTRODUCTION The popular Hong Kong comedy, The Greatest Lover, re-incarnates one of the most popular western musicals, My Fair Lady. OBJECTIVES 1. To find out in what major ways My Fair Lady was rewritten as the Hong Kong Cantonese movie, Gungzi Docing (The Greatest Lover). 2. To find out the socio-political, socio-linguistic, and gender ideology behind the rewriting. METHODOLOGY 1. To note the similarity of the themes for both works – a creator falling in love with his/her creation, and class prejudice and cross-class romance. 2. To note how the times of The Greatest Lover differ from that of My Fair Lady. 3. To note how the main characters in The Greatest Lover differ from My Fair Lady in terms of profession, gender, etc. 4. To note how the plot of The Greatest Lover differs from that of My Fair Lady. 5. To note how focus on language in The Greatest Lover compares with that in My Fair Lady. 6. To discuss the ideological implications of the differences noted above, e.g. women in Hong Kong today have much higher status than women in Victorian England; the conflict between local Hong Kong people and both legal and illegal immigrants from Mainland China is even more serious than that between the British upper middle class and the lower class during the Victorian period. 7. Andre Lefevere (1992) argues that translation and adaptation are rewriting informed and influenced by the rewriter’s ideology, among other things. 8. Both Aline Remael (1995) and Patrick Cattrysse (1992) think that film adaptation is a kind of translation. 9. Sirkkus Aaltonen (2000) argues that drama translation mirrors the ideologies of the target society. CONCLUSION 1. The Greatest Lover projects local cultural significance onto My Fair Lady by helping us to appreciate an important Western work of art through the Hong Kong Cantonese perspective. 2. Broader issues in translation and intercultural studies are also considered.

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Dissertação apresentada à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Jornalismo.

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A dissertação que ora apresentamos é um requisito para a obtenção do grau de mestre em Gestão Estratégica das Relações Públicas, pelo Instituto Politécnico de Lisboa - Escola Superior de Comunicação Social. Intitulado ‘O Uso que os Partidos Políticos Portugueses fazem do Facebook’, este estudo foi desenvolvido para tentarmos analisar e perceber o que os partidos políticos comunicam pelas suas páginas oficiais e nacionais na maior rede social. Inserido num contexto altamente relacional, ideológico e informacional, num mundo global em constantes mutações, que papel dão as organizações políticas à ferramenta de comunicação que se tornou o Facebook? Dos resultados obtidos, percebemos que dos seis partidos políticos portugueses com assento parlamentar – PSD, PS, CDS-PP, PCP, BE e PEV – nem todos detinham páginas oficiais e nacionais no Facebook, sendo que aqueles que as detêm ainda não retiram total partido das potencialidades da ferramenta de comunicação directa, imediata e interactiva que é a rede social. Apesar do transversal reconhecimento da sua importância, os partidos portugueses relegam a importância da criação de relações duradouras com o público através do Facebook.

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Este breve ensaio sobre o poeta e escritor russo Vladimir Mayakovsky é uma modesta tentativa de contribuir para um (re)descobrimento ou para uma simples revisitação da produção literária russa do período soviético, que, por razões muitas vezes apenas de ordem política e não estética, caiu no esquecimento, não sendo traduzida na sua totalidade, como é o caso de Mayakovsky, ou, pura e simplesmente, sendo votada ao “ostracismo”, porque rotulada, a priori ou ab initio, como obras escritas dentro das paredes estreitas do “realismo socialista”, padecendo de falta de criatividade e norteandose, aberta ou dissimuladamente, pelos princípios rígidos e imutáveis de um totalitarismo inflexível. Contudo, nem toda a literatura soviética pode ser enquadrada no realismo socialista, valendo a pena conhecê-la e analisá-la.

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Interessa-nos para este artigo perscrutar as representações da vida social em narrativas do escritor angolano Uanhenga Xitu, mormente no que diz respeito à personagem feminina e ao papel da mulher nas sociedades tradicionais angolanas. Nas narrativas cujas ações se passam no interior de Angola, as representações sociais da mulher revelam um modus vivendi diferenciado daquele experimentado por mulheres que migram para a capital, Luanda, espaço em que a noção de vida comunitária, tão significativa nas sociedades tradicionais, perde seu significado. Os trabalhos lá executados, por exemplo, serão em favor do colono, como os dos empregados domésticos, e não para a coletividade. Já nos espaços interiores, mais distantes da mão pesada do colonizador, as representações da vida social dos angolanos são mais expressivas e essa diferenciação revela que a migração do campo para a cidade, no caso de um país dominado pela colonização, metaforiza o abandono de um tipo de (con)vivência social em favor de outro. Como a política colonial portuguesa foi assimilacionista, essa migração será sinônimo de busca de adesão ao modus vivendi do outro, muitas vezes para sofrer menos os efeitos da dominação. Para essa discussão, não é por livre escolha que se tratará das personagens femininas na obra de Xitu, posto que as mulheres em seus textos ganham vez e voz para a expressão do proprium angolano, como se o autor as quisesse homenagear em sinal do reconhecimento de sua importância na construção e preservação da memória, que é capaz de criar laços identitários entre as milenares gerações passadas e as futuras, como esboçaremos (Esta reflexão teve origem no estudo desenvolvido no doutoramento, intitulado Entre dois contares: o espaço da tradição na escrita de Uanhenga Xitu, defendida em 1996 na FFLCH-USP, e orientada pela Dra. Maria Aparecida Santilli, falecida em março de 2008).

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This paper aims at revisiting the concept of ‗representation‘, in order to discuss matters like truth value and the cultural and ideological importance of representations.

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Relatório da Prática Profissional Supervisionada Mestrado em Educação Pré-Escolar

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Relatório de estágio apresentado à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Publicidade e Marketing.

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Dissertation presented to obtain the PhD degree in Biology/Molecular Biology by Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Instituto de Tecnologia Química e Biológica