Spanish monarchy and the Portuguese Republic: two routes to democratization

From 1974 to 1986 the Iberian Peninsula was the arena of major political changes. The process then undertaken was characterized by the transition from two Iberian authoritarian regimes to two democracies, which enabled both countries to join the European Economic Community (EEC) on 1 January 1986. However, the political vicissitudes until full membership of what became the European Union (EU) was achieved were very different and were decisively, although not exclusively, influenced by the fact Portugal was a republic and Spain a monarchy. In Portugal the 1974 revolution took place with consequent shift of the head of state while in Spain the engine of change was precisely the head of state: King Juan Carlos I. It is also true that despite the dangers to democracy (terrorism in Spain and some radicalism in Portugal) both societies supported the political parties committed to the democratic process in elections, which helped avoid tensions that could have defeated the process. Likewise, it is possible to argue that in Spain a plan to achieve democracy within the rule of law (an archetypal transition) was designed by the head of state, while in Portugal there was no pre-established plan – the programme of the Armed Forces Movement (Movimento das Forças Armadas [MFA]) was a weak and precarious compromise between different visions of the road to follow, enabling an intense political struggle that almost led to civil war and a dangerous state of crisis.

Documentos y escritos

70 p.

Violent Dissent and Rebellion in Africa

This article analyzes how the selection process for the executive affects the risk of rebellion and insurgencies in sub-Saharan Africa between 1971 and 1995. Four executive recruitment processes are distinguished, which are characteristic for the African context: (1) a process without elections, (2) single candidate elections, (3) single party, multiple candidate elections, and (4) multiparty executive elections. The results suggest that single candidate elections and multiparty elections substantially reduce the risk of insurgencies compared to systems without any kind of executive elections. They further show that during times of political instability the risk of large-scale violent dissent increases substantially. The article supports findings of the civil war literature that higher levels of income are associated with a lower risk of intrastate violence, while oil-exporting countries are at a higher risk of rebellion. In short, this article further strengthens the need to use more specific measures of elements of political regimes, which also take into account regional particularities, in order to paint a more informative picture of how political structures influence the risk of internal violence.

Ordenanzas dictadas por la Cámara Provincial de Bogotá en sus sesiones de 1848

69 p.

Politics and protestant Lordship in North East Scotland during the reign of James VI: The life of George Keith, fourth Earl Marischal, 1554-1623

George Keith, fourth Earl Marischal is a case study of long-term, quietly successful and stable lordship through the reign of James VI. Marischal’s life provides a wholly underrepresented perspective on this era, where the study of rebellious and notorious characters has dominated. He is also a counter-example to the notion of a general crisis among the European nobility, at least in the Scottish context, as well as to the notion of a ‘conservative’ or ‘Catholic’ north east. In 1580 George inherited the richest earldom in Scotland, with a geographical extent stretching along the east coast from Caithness to East Lothian. His family came to be this wealthy as a long term consequence of the Battle of Flodden (1513) where a branch of the family, the Inverugie Keiths had been killed. The heiress of this branch was married to the third earl and this had concentrated a large number of lands, and consequently wealth, in the hands of the earls. This had, however, also significantly decreased the number of members and hence power of the Keith kindred. The third earl’s conversion to Protestantism in 1544 and later his adherence to the King’s Party during the Marian Civil War forced the Keiths into direct confrontation with their neighbours in the north east, the Gordons (led by the Earls of Huntly), a Catholic family and supporters of the Queen’s Party. Although this feud was settled for a time at the end of the war, the political turmoil caused by a succession of short-lived factional regimes in the early part of the personal reign of James VI (c.1578-1585) led the new (fourth) Earl Marischal into direct confrontation with the new (sixth) Earl of Huntly. Marischal was outclassed, outmanoeuvred and outgunned at both court and in the locality in this feud, suffering considerably. However, Huntly’s over-ambition in wider court politics meant that Marischal was able to join various coalitions against his rival, until Huntly was exiled in 1595. Marischal also came into conflict briefly with Chancellor John Maitland of Thirlestane as a consequence of Marischal’s diplomatic mission to Denmark in 1589-1590, but was again outmatched politically and briefly imprisoned. Both of these feuds reveal Marischal to be relatively cautious and reactionary, and both reveal the limitations of his power. Elsewhere, the study of Marischal’s activities in the centre of Scottish politics reveal him to be unambitious. He was ready to serve King James, the two men having a healthy working relationship, but Marischal showed no ambition as a courtier, to woo the king’s favour or patronage, instead delegating interaction with the monarch to his kinsmen. Likewise, in government, Marischal rarely attended any of the committees he was entitled to attend, such as the Privy Council, although he did keep a keen eye on the land market and the business conducted under the Great Seal. Although personally devout and a committed Protestant, the study of Marischal’s interaction with the national Kirk and the parishes of which he was patron reveal that he was at times a negligent patron and exercised his right of ministerial presentation as lordly, not godly patronage. The notion of a ‘conservative North East’ is, however, rejected. Where Marischal was politically weak at court and weak in terms of force in the locality, we see him pursuing sideways approaches to dealing with this. Thus he was keen to build up his general influence in the north and in particular with the burgh of Aberdeen (one result of this being the creation of Marischal College in 1593), pursued disputes through increasing use of legal methods rather than bloodfeud (thus exploiting his wealth and compensating for his relative lack of force) and developed a sophisticated system of maritime infrastructure, ultimately expressed through the creating of the burghs of Peterhead and Stonehaven. Although his close family caused him a number of problems over his lifetime, he was able to pass on a stable and enlarged lordship to his son in 1623.

Forensic Injustice: Human Rights, Archival Science and Racialized Feminicide in Guatemala

The call to access and preserve the state records that document crimes committed by the state during Guatemala’s civil war has become an archival imperative entangled with neoliberal human rights discourses of “truth, justice, and memory.” 200,000 people were killed and disappeared in Guatemala’s civil war including acts of genocide in which 85% of massacres involved sexual violence committed against Mayan women. This dissertation argues that in an attempt to tell the official story of the civil war, American Human Rights organizations and academic institutions have constructed a normative identity whose humanity is attached to a scientific and evidentiary value as well as an archival status representing the materiality and institutionality of the record. Consequently, Human Rights discourses grounded in Western knowledges, in particular archival science and law, which prioritize the appearance of truth erase the material and epistemological experience of indigenous women during wartimes. As a result, the subjectivity that has surfaced on the record as most legible has mostly pertained to non-indigenous, middle class, urban, leftist men who were victims of enforced disappearance not genocide. This dissertation investigates this conflicting narrative that remembers a non-indigenous revolutionary masculine hero and grants him justice in human rights courtrooms simply because of a document attesting to his death. A main research question addressed in this project is why the promise of "truth and justice" under the name of human rights becomes a contentious site for gendered indigenous bodies? I conduct a discursive and rhetorical analysis of documentary film, declassified Guatemalan police and military records such as Operation Sofia, a military log known for “documenting the genocide” during rural counterinsurgencies executed by the military. I interrogate the ways in which racialized feminicides or the hyper-sexualized racial violence that has historically dehumanized indigenous women falls outside of discourses of vision constructed by Western positivist knowledges to reinscribe the ideal human right subject. I argue for alternative epistemological frames that recognize genocide as sexualized and gendered structures that have simultaneously produced racialized feminicides in order to disrupt the colonial structures of capitalism, patriarchy and heterosexuality. Ironically, these structures of power remain untouched by the dominant human rights discourse and its academic, NGO, and state collaborators that seek "truth and justice" in post-conflict Guatemala.

Fortress Monroe, Old Point Comfort, and Hygeia Hotel, Va. /

"Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1861 by E. Sachse & Co. in the Clerks Office of the District Court of Maryland."

Map of 1st. distrt. Campbell Co. Georgia : south of the Cherokee boundy. line /

Shows local topography, roads, and names of some residents.

La interdependencia hispano-argelina en cuestiones energéticas

Desde los años 1980 España y Europa importan una parte creciente de sus hidrocarburos de Argelia. Esta situación ha llevado a una interdependencia que puede resultar peligrosa por ambas partes. España no consigue reducir su consumo de hidrocarburos, pero en su esfuerzo por diversificar e independizarse del petróleo ha incrementado significativamente el consumo de gas natural procedente de Argelia. Por su parte este país ha aumentado sus reservar en divisas lo que le ha permitido mejorar extraordinariamente su situación desde la guerra civil de los años 1990 y garantizar a corto plazo el estatus quo social y político. Sin embargo esa misma dependencia de los hidrocarburos le impide resolver los graves problemas estructurales de su juventud y de una economía rentista. Esta comunicación estudia estas dependencias analizando la creciente complejidad del mercado de los hidrocarburos, los esfuerzos españoles por diversificar sus fuentes de abastecimiento y las apuestas de Argelia por continuar suministrando energía primaria.

Sperrgebiete um Europa und Afrika /

"Aus Michelsen, Der U-Bootskrieg 1914-1918".

O acesso e a qualidade do ensino primário público em Angola (2002-2012) : estudo de caso das províncias de Benguela, Huambo, Bié e Moxico

Doutoramento em Estudos de Desenvolvimento

Die Schiffsversenkungen unserer U-Boote : nach Lage und Zahl dargestellt auf Grund amtlichen Materials mit Seeschlachten, Sperrgebieten, Landfronten, Land-Gewinn und -Verlust /

Relief shown by shading.

Participación ciudadana en el proceso constituyente de 1991

El proceso constitucional, bien sea su adopción o su reforma, es una constante en nuestra historia republicana. Durante el siglo XIX se expidieron como constituciones nacionales: la de la Provincias Unidas de la Nueva Granada, la de Colombia de 1821 y 1830 (conocida como la Gran Colombia), la del Estado de la Nueva Granada (1832 y 1843), la República de la Nueva Granada (1853), la Confederación Granadina (1858), los Estados Unidos de Colombia (1863) y la República de Colombia (1886). Las constituciones nacionales proferidas entre 1811 y 1886 fueron consecuencia de un pulso político en favor de unos intereses ideológicos claramente establecidos alrededor de la composición centralista o federalista de la naciente República. En el proceso constituyente de 1990/1991 se buscó la transformación política del Estado. Uno de sus elementos más significativos fue la convergencia de iniciativas para la búsqueda de la misma, y es así como la Constitución de 1991 representa una ruptura con el modo de proceder histórico de erección constitucional. Una de las premisas que se ha lanzado sobre el proceso del constituyente de 1990/1991 es que la participación ciudadana fue más una forma de democracia participativa que rompe la tradición representativa de la Carta Nacional vigente para el momento; esto debido, de un lado, a que el origen de la propuesta no estuvo vinculado exclusivamente a la iniciativa del ejecutivo, y del otro, a la urgencia por despertar el constituyente primario que había estado sosegado tanto por la normativa restrictiva como por los actores armados ilegales y la fuerza legítima e ilegítima del Estado. Justo sobre este debate se centra esta publicación, al derivar de un proyecto de investigación que tuvo como pregunta: ¿Cuáles fueron los alcances y las limitaciones de la participación ciudadana en la configuración de la Constitución colombiana de 1991?, Y hace un recorrido desde lo ocurrido desde la convocatoria para la votación a una Asamblea Nacional Constituyente y la participación ciudadana durante el funcionamiento de la misma.

[Manuscript planning map for the Allied landing near Licata, Sicily, on July 10, 1943].

Title provided by cataloger.

El surrealismo en la obra poética de Federico García Lorca

The main objective of this investigation is the retrieval of the study of possible Surrealism in Federico García Lorcás poetic work, a poet who enjoyed in his time prestige and international fame for decades, and still does. Numerous articles in magazines and newspapers of his time speak of his writings, literary activities and stand as a testimony of how well-regarded he was during his lifetime and even after his tragic murder death at the hands of fascists right after the outbreak of the Spanish civil war back in July 1936. Nevertheless, and for diverse reasons, literary ,social, as well as the extent of the studies, researches and abundant biographies about him, the study of Surrealism in all his works, such as in his playwrights for instance, has not been sufficiently expanded, and has been overlooked by the extensive bibliographies written about him. We have limited the investigation to his poetic works only. The extensive bibliographies written about him, is a fact that hindered and held back our efforts, as we had to resort to resources from different libraries, such as the Faculty of Philology of the UCM General Library, the Faculty of Information Science, the Student Residence, as well as the National Library. In addition to the analysis and commentary of his works, not to mention that current publications on him, various literary magazines and articles from the poet’s time have been consulted as well...