940 resultados para [JEL:H20] Public Economics - Taxation, Subsidies, and Revenue - General
Resumo:
Abordar la infancia desde el enfoque de derechos (ED) implica una lectura de los derechos de los cuales los niños, niñas y adolescentes (NNA) son titulares y de las acciones estatales que se implementan para viabilizar el ejercicio concreto de ellos. Esta perspectiva exige comprender los contenidos de las políticas púb,el grado de participación que se les asigna y los sentidos que ellas toman en términos de progresividad de los derechos. Los cambios de concepción de la infancia desde la Convención Internacional de los Derechos del Niño (CIDN) y los cambios legislativos interpelan al Estado y la sociedad a modificar la visión hegemónica. Nuestra hipótesis gira alrededor de las siguientes considerac.: se han producido algunas modificaciones en las políticas y acciones estatales, aún no se dan las transformaciones necesarias de las lógicas institucionales y de los operadores que estimulen la participación de NNA en el ámbito escolar. Esto se visualiza en la ausencia de análisis cuali de los contenidos de las acc. y la falta de ftes estadísticas específicas, que muestren la orientac.de los contenidos en los principios de la protecc.integral. Estos presupuestos plantean interrogantes que delimitan el problema de investigación: ¿cómo se construye y reconstruye el ejercicio de la ciudadanía a través de la participación de los NNA, en su paso por la escuela, y cuáles son las lógicas institucionales que habilitan u obstaculizan ese ejercicio? Y ¿cuáles son los recursos institucionales que permitan que los programas y acciones redunden en el ejercicio efectivo de los derechos?.Obj.gral: Describir, analizar e interpretar la progresividad en el ejercicio de los derechos de participación e informacióin que tienen los adolescentes en escuelas secundarias de la cd de Cba, durante 2005 / 2010, para promover espacios públicos de construcción de ciudadanía. Se analizarán tres escuelas de Córdoba, escuela pública provincial, púb. nacional y privada. Obj. Espec.: Analizar las prácticas participativas formales e informales en las escuelas seleccionadas.- Aplicar indicadores cuanti y cualitativos del “Sistema de Indicadores para los derechos de la Infancia” Describir y analizar los recursos materiales y humanos. Elaborar y proponer procedim. para la confec. de registros de datos estadísticos - Elaborar y proponer lineamientos para la elaborac.e implementac.de acciones. Diseñar herramientas de difusión sobre los ds de participación e información.Esta investigac. es de carácter descriptivo e interpretativo, analizará diferentes ftes de informac.con técnicas cuanti y cualitativas, durante período la promulgación de la Ley 26061/05 y la adhesión prov. 9396/07. Se tomarán del Sistema de Indicadores, el derecho a la educación, el tema transversal “Acceso a la información y participación”, y las categorías de análisis “Recepción del Derecho y Capacidades estatales”. Se trabajaran indicadores cuanti y señales de progreso (cualitativos): estructurales, proceso y resultados. Serán analizados los Programas implementados durante el período de estudio. Estrategias cuali observac. participante, entrevistas, grupos focales, talleres de sensibilización, etc .Otras ftes de info: doc. institucionales, registros, evaluac, contenidos de programas y campañas y de difusión, prensa escrita, legislaciones, etc. La info se analizará a través Programa Atlas Ti, y del análisis estadístico. Algunos resultados esperados: Evaluac.y ajuste del Sistema de indicadores, la sensibilizac. desde el EF de autorid. escol. para la formulac. de planes y programas para el monitoreo adecuado de los mismos y para la rendic. de ctas de su gestión. Estimular la participac. de NNA en la escuela. Realizac.de documental. Brindar herramientas al Edo para superv de la aplicación progresiva del ejercicio de los derechos de participación e información de NNA Promov la continua evaluac. de los programas y acc.desde el ED para estimular el reconoc. de la nec.de ajuste de la política. The issue of children from the rights focus implies a reading of the rights in which children and adolescents are the holders and the state actions that are implemented to enable the exercise of them. This perspective requires understanding the contents of the public policies, the participation level that is assigned, and the senses that they take in terms of rights progressivity of. The conception changes about children since the International Convention on the Rights of the Child and legislative changes challenge to the State and society to modify hegemony vision. Our hypothesis revolves around the following considerations: there have been some public policies and state actions changes, but they not turn out, yet, transformations in logical institutional and actors whose are encourages children participation in school. This could be reflects in the absence of qualitative analysis in the actions contents and the lack of sources specific statistics, that will be showing the control of the principal contents of integral protection. These, raise the questions that delimit our problem research: how is built citizenship exercise through children and adolescent’s participation in the school, and what are the institutional logical that empowers or turns difficult that exercise? And What are the institutional resources that make possible the effective exercise of the rights, through different programs and actions?. General Objective: To describe, analyze and interpret exercise progressivity participation and information rights that have the adolescents in secondary schools in Córdoba City during 2005 / 2010, in order to promote public spaces for the construction of citizenship. It will analyze three schools in Cordoba, provincial public school, national public school and private school. . Obj. Specifics: To analyze the formal and informal participative practices in the schools selected. - To apply quantitative and qualitative indicators of the “Indicators System for Infa
Resumo:
The crustacean fishery is important to the socio economics of rural and island communities around Ireland; with brown crab (Cancer pagurus) and European lobster (.Homarus gammarus) being the most valuable shellfish species. Brown crab and lobster are marketed live with the majority being exported from Ireland to southern Europe. Post capture processes used in Ireland are very subjective but promote fresh, live products. Common practices used in the crustacean fishery include nicking of brown crab and long term storage of lobster. This study showed that nicking resulted in elevated mean lactate levels of 17.90% (StDev ± 1.74) and elevated mean glucose levels of 120.55 % (StDev ± 0.26) with mean circulating bacteria levels 9 times greater in nicked crab. Nicking resulted in 96.3% increase in tissue necrosis and a subsequent reduction in product quality. These factors possibly compromise the host’s defense system, which may ultimately reduce the animal’s ability to cope with additional stressors caused by post-harvest processes. Long term storage allows lobster to be stored until the market is less saturated and prices are higher. This investigation found that some lobsters contracted bacterial biofilms as a result of long term storage. Bacteria isolated from biofilms were identified as Arcobacter and Campylobacterales with identity and alignment scores of 80% andd 88% respectively.
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Abstract Background: In Brazil, the prevalence of systemic arterial hypertension (SAH) is approximately 30% of the total population. In 2010, SAH was the cause of death of about 9.4 million people worldwide. A healthy dietary pattern is important to maintain proper blood pressure levels and, consequently, disease control. Objectives: To describe the knowledge and practices of hypertensive patients cared for at a public hypertension outpatient clinic, and its relationship with high-sodium food. Methods: We applied a questionnaire to patients with questions related to sociodemographics, dietary pattern, frequency of ingestion of certain foods, and knowledge about their own disease. Results: We studied 221 patients, 56.1% of whom were women, and 53.8% had only elementary education. Their mean age was 57.7 ±13.5 years, and 75.6% of them reported having high blood pressure, and 11.3%, diabetes mellitus. Regarding dietary pattern, 62% used ready-to-use seasonings, but 94.1% reported not adding extra salt to their ready meals. Regarding patients' knowledge about high-sodium foods and SAH, only 8 patients had 100% of right answers, 37 patients had 73.8%, and 42 patients, 57% of right answers. Conclusion: Knowledge about SAH prevention and high-sodium foods was insufficient. Based on this study's findings, more effective educational strategies targeted at this population can be developed.
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We use statistical techniques to quantify the effects of school attainment on individual wages, participation rates and employment probabilities in Spain, and to measure the contribution of education to labour productivity at the regional level. These estimates are then combined with data on private and public expenditure on education and with information on taxes and social benefits to construct measures of the private and social returns to schooling, to explore the effects of public policies on private incentives to invest in human capital, and to analyse the long-term effects of schooling on public finances. The results are used, together with estimates of the returns to alternative assets, to draw some tentative conclusions regarding the adequacy of the aggregate investment patterns observed in the regions of Spain, and to identify changes in the design of national and EU cohesion and growth policies that may help enhance their effectiveness.
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We analyze the optimal technology policy to solve a free-riding problem between the members of a RJV. We assume that when intervening the Government suffers an additional adverse selection problem because it is not able to distinguish the value of the potential innovation. Although subsidies and monitoring may be equivalent policy tools to solve firms' free-riding problem, they imply different social losses if the Government is not able to perfectly distinguish the value of the potential innovation. The supremacy of monitoring tools over subsidies is proved to depend on which type of information the Government is able to obtain about firms' R&D performance.
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In this note we quantify to what extent indirect taxation influences and distorts prices. To do so we use the networked accounting structure of the most recent input-output table of Catalonia, an autonomous region of Spain, to model price formation. The role of indirect taxation is considered both from a classical value perspective and a more neoclassical flavoured one. We show that they would yield equivalent results under some basic premises. The neoclassical perspective, however, offers a bit more flexibility to distinguish among different tax figures and hence provide a clearer disaggregate picture of how an indirect tax ends up affecting, and by how much, the cost structure.
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Assuming the role of debt management is to provide hedging against fiscal shocks we consider three questions: i) what indicators can be used to assess the performance of debt management? ii) how well have historical debt management policies performed? and iii) how is that performance affected by variations in debt issuance? We consider these questions using OECD data on the market value of government debt between 1970 and 2000. Motivated by both the optimal taxation literature and broad considerations of debt stability we propose a range of performance indicators for debt management. We evaluate these using Monte Carlo analysis and find that those based on the relative persistence of debt perform best. Calculating these measures for OECD data provides only limited evidence that debt management has helped insulate policy against unexpected fiscal shocks. We also find that the degree of fiscal insurance achieved is not well connected to cross country variations in debt issuance patterns. Given the limited volatility observed in the yield curve the relatively small dispersion of debt management practices across countries makes little difference to the realised degree of fiscal insurance.
Resumo:
In the theoretical macroeconomics literature, fiscal policy is almost uniformly taken to mean taxing and spending by a ‘benevolent government’ that exploits the potential aggregate demand externalities inherent in the imperfectly competitive nature of goods markets. Whilst shown to raise aggregate output and employment, these policies crowd-out private consumption and hence typically reduce welfare. In this paper we consider the use of ‘tax-and-subsidise’ instead of ‘taxand- spend’ policies on account of their widespread use by governments, even in the recent recession, to stimulate economic activity. Within a static general equilibrium macro-model with imperfectly competitive good markets we examine the effect of wage and output subsidies and show that, for a small open economy, positive tax and subsidy rates exist which maximise welfare, rendering no intervention as a suboptimal state. We also show that, within a two-country setting, a Nash non-cooperative symmetric equilibrium with positive tax and subsidy rates exists, and that cooperation between trading partners in setting these rates is more expansionary and leads to an improvement upon the non-cooperative solution.
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The paper proposes a general model that will encompass trade and social benefits of a common language, a preference for a variety of languages, the fundamental role of translators, an emotional attachment to maternal language, and the threat that globalization poses to the vast majority of languages. With respect to people’s emotional attachment, the model considers minorities to suffer losses from the subordinate status of their language. In addition, the model treats the threat to minority language as coming from the failure of the parents in the minority to transmit their maternal language (durably) to their children. Some familiar results occur. In particular, we encounter the usual social inefficiencies of decentralized solutions to language learning when the sole benefits of the learning are communicative benefits (though translation intervenes). However, these social inefficiencies assume a totally different air when the con-sumer gains of variety are brought in. One fundamental aim of the paper is to bring together contributions to the economics of language from labor economics, network externalities and international trade that are typically treated separately.
Resumo:
The paper proposes a general model that will encompass trade and social benefits of a common language, a preference for a variety of languages, the fundamental role of translators, an emo-tional attachment to maternal language, and the threat that globalization poses to the vast ma-jority of languages. With respect to people’s emotional attachment, the model considers minor-ities to suffer losses from the subordinate status of their language. In addition, the model treats the threat to minority language as coming from the failure of the parents in the minority to transmit their maternal language (durably) to their children. Some familiar results occur. In particular, we encounter the usual social inefficiencies of decentralized solutions to language learning when the sole benefits of the learning are communicative benefits (though translation intervenes). However, these social inefficiencies assume a totally different air when the con-sumer gains of variety are brought in. One fundamental aim of the paper is to bring together contributions to the economics of language from labor economics, network externalities and international trade that are typically treated separately.
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In this paper we make three contributions to the literature on optimal Competition Law enforcement procedures. The first (which is of general interest beyond competition policy) is to clarify the concept of “legal uncertainty”, relating it to ideas in the literature on Law and Economics, but formalising the concept through various information structures which specify the probability that each firm attaches – at the time it takes an action – to the possibility of its being deemed anti-competitive were it to be investigated by a Competition Authority. We show that the existence of Type I and Type II decision errors by competition authorities is neither necessary nor sufficient for the existence of legal uncertainty, and that information structures with legal uncertainty can generate higher welfare than information structures with legal certainty – a result echoing a similar finding obtained in a completely different context and under different assumptions in earlier Law and Economics literature (Kaplow and Shavell, 1992). Our second contribution is to revisit and significantly generalise the analysis in our previous paper, Katsoulacos and Ulph (2009), involving a welfare comparison of Per Se and Effects- Based legal standards. In that analysis we considered just a single information structure under an Effects-Based standard and also penalties were exogenously fixed. Here we allow for (a) different information structures under an Effects-Based standard and (b) endogenous penalties. We obtain two main results: (i) considering all information structures a Per Se standard is never better than an Effects-Based standard; (ii) optimal penalties may be higher when there is legal uncertainty than when there is no legal uncertainty.
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This position paper considers the devolution of further fiscal powers to the Scottish Parliament in the context of the objectives and remit of the Smith Commission. The argument builds on our discussion of fiscal decentralization made in our previous published work on this topic. We ask what sort of budget constraint the Scottish Parliament should operate with. A soft budget constraint (SBC) allows the Scottish Parliament to spend without having to consider all of the tax and, therefore, political consequences, of that spending, which is effectively the position at the moment. The incentives to promote economic growth through fiscal policy – on both the tax and spending sides are weak to non-existent. This is what the Scotland Act, 1998, and the continuing use of the Barnett block grant, gave Scotland. Now other budget constraints are being discussed – those of the Calman Commission (2009) and the Scotland Act (2012), as well as the ones offered in 2014 by the various political parties – Scottish Conservatives, Scottish Greens, Scottish Labour, the Scottish Liberal Democrats and the Scottish Government. There is also the budget constraint designed by the Holtham Commission (2010) for Wales that could just as well be used in Scotland. We examine to what extent these offer the hard budget constraint (HBC) that would bring tax policy firmly into the realm of Scottish politics, asking the Scottish electorate and Parliament to consider the costs to them of increasing spending in terms of higher taxes; or the benefits to them of using public spending to grow the tax base and own-sourced taxes? The hardest budget constraint of all is offered by independence but, as is now known, a clear majority of those who voted in the referendum did not vote for this form of budget constraint. Rather they voted for a significant further devolution of fiscal powers while remaining within a political and monetary union with the rest of the UK, with the risk pooling and revenue sharing that this implies. It is not surprising therefore that none of the budget constraints on offer, apart from the SNP’s, come close to the HBC of independence. However, the almost 25% fall in the price of oil since the referendum, a resource stream so central to the SNP’s economic policy making, underscores why there is a need for a trade off between a HBC and risk pooling and revenue sharing. Ranked according to the desirable characteristic of offering something approaching a HBC the least desirable are those of the Calman Commission, the Scotland Act, 2012, and Scottish Labour. In all of these the ‘elasticity’ of the block grant in the face of failure to grow the Scottish tax base is either not defined or is very elastic – meaning that the risk of failure is shuffled off to taxpayers outside of Scotland. The degree of HBC in the Scottish Conservative, Scottish Greens and Scottish Liberal Democrats proposals are much more desirable from an economic growth point of view, the latter even embracing the HBC proposed by the Holtham Commission that combines serious tax policy with welfare support in the long-run. We judge that the budget constraint in the SNP’s proposals is too hard as it does not allow for continuation of the ‘welfare union’ in the UK. We also consider that in the case of a generalized UK economic slow requiring a fiscal stimulus that the Scottish Parliament be allowed increased borrowing to be repaid in the next economic upturn.
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For several years, all five medical faculties of Switzerland have embarked on a reform of their training curricula for two reasons: first, according to a new federal act issued in 2006 by the administration of the confederation, faculties needed to meet international standards in terms of content and pedagogic approaches; second, all Swiss universities and thus all medical faculties had to adapt the structure of their curriculum to the frame and principles which govern the Bologna process. This process is the result of the Bologna Declaration of June 1999 which proposes and requires a series of reforms to make European Higher Education more compatible and comparable, more competitive and more attractive for Europeans students. The present paper reviews some of the results achieved in the field, focusing on several issues such as the shortage of physicians and primary care practitioners, the importance of public health, community medicine and medical humanities, and the implementation of new training approaches including e-learning and simulation. In the future, faculties should work on several specific challenges such as: students' mobility, the improvement of students' autonomy and critical thinking as well as their generic and specific skills and finally a reflection on how to improve the attractiveness of the academic career, for physicians of both sexes.
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The thesis examines the impact of collective war victimization on individuals' readiness to accept or assign collective guilt for past war atrocities. As a complement to previous studies, its aim is to articulate an integrated approach to collective victimization, which distinguishes between individual-, communal-, and societal-level consequences of warfare. Building on a social representation approach, it is guided by the assumption that individuals form beliefs about a conflict through their personal experiences of victimization, communal experiences of warfare that occur in their proximal surrounding, and the mass- mediatised narratives that circulate in a society's public sphere. Four empirical studies test the hypothesis that individuals' beliefs about the conflict depend on the level and type of war experiences to which they have been exposed, that is, on informative and normative micro and macro contexts in which they are embedded. The studies have been conducted in the context of the Yugoslav wars that attended the breakup of Yugoslavia, a series of wars fought between 1991 and 2001 during which numerous war atrocities were perpetrated causing a massive victimisation of population. To examine the content and impact of war experiences at each level of analysis, the empirical studies employed various methodological strategies, from quantitative analyses of a representative public opinion survey, to qualitative analyses of media content and political speeches. Study 1 examines the impact of individual- and communal- level war experiences on individuals' acceptance and assignment of collective guilt. It further examines the impact of the type of communal level victimization: exposure to symmetric (i.e., violence that similarly affects members of different ethnic groups, including adversaries) and asymmetric violence. The main goal of Study 2 is to examine the structural and political circumstances that enhance collective guilt assignment. While the previous studies emphasize the role of past victimisation, Study 2 tests the assumption that the political demobilisation strategy employed by elites facing public discontent in the collective system-threatening circumstances can fuel out-group blame. Studies 3 and 4 have been conducted predominantly in the context of Croatia and examine rhetoric construction of the dominant politicized narrative of war in a public sphere (Study 3) and its maintenance through public delegitimization of alternative (critical) representations (Study 4). Study 4 further examines the likelihood that highly identified group members adhere to publicly delegitimized critical stances on war. - Cette thèse étudie l'impact de la victimisation collective de guerre sur la capacité des individus à accepter ou à attribuer une culpabilité collective liée à des atrocités commises en temps de guerre. En compléments aux recherches existantes, le but de ce travail est de définir une approche intégrative de la victimisation collective, qui distingue les conséquences de la guerre aux niveaux individuel, régional et sociétal. En partant de l'approche des représentations sociales, cette thèse repose sur le postulat que les individus forment des croyances sur un conflit au travers de leurs expériences personnelles de victimisation, de leurs expériences de guerre lorsque celle-ci se déroule près d'eux, ainsi qu'au travers des récits relayés par les mass media. Quatre études testent l'hypothèse que les croyances des individus dépendent des niveaux et des types d'expériences de guerre auxquels ils ont été exposés, c'est-à-dire, des contextes informatifs et normatifs, micro et macro dans lesquels ils sont insérés. Ces études ont été réalisées dans le contexte des guerres qui, entre 1991 et 2001, ont suivi la dissolution de la Yougoslavie et durant lesquelles de nombreuses atrocités de guerre ont été commises, causant une victimisation massive de la population. Afin d'étudier le contenu et l'impact des expériences de guerre sur chaque niveau d'analyse, différentes stratégies méthodologiques ont été utilisées, des analyses quantitatives sur une enquête représentative d'opinion publique aux analyses qualitatives de contenu de médias et de discours politiques. L'étude 1 étudie l'impact des expériences de guerre individuelles et régionales sur l'acceptation et l'attribution de la culpabilité collective par les individus. Elle examine aussi l'impact du type de victimisation régionale : exposition à la violence symétrique (i.e., violence qui touche les membres de différents groupes ethniques, y compris les adversaires) et asymétrique. L'étude 2 se penche sur les circonstances structurelles et politiques qui augmentent l'attribution de culpabilité collective. Alors que les recherches précédentes ont mis l'accent sur le rôle de la victimisation passée, l'étude 2 teste l'hypothèse que la stratégie de démobilisation politique utilisée par les élites pour faire face à l'insatisfaction publique peut encourager l'attribution de la culpabilité à l'exogroupe. Les études 3 et 4 étudient, principalement dans le contexte croate, la construction rhétorique du récit de guerre politisé dominant (étude 3) et son entretien à travers la délégitimation publique des représentations alternatives (critiques] (étude 4). L'étude 4 examine aussi la probabilité qu'ont les membres de groupe fortement identifiés d'adhérer à des points de vue sur la guerre critiques et publiquement délégitimés.