918 resultados para Palestinian Refugees, Education, Social Policies, Palestinian Identity, Perception.


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This thesis is concerned with various aspects of Air Pollution due to smell, the impact it has on communities exposed to it, the means by which it may be controlled and the manner in which a local authority may investigate the problems it causes. The approach is a practical one drawing on examples occurring within a Local Authority's experience and for that reason the research is anecdotal and is not a comprehensive treatise on the full range of options available. Odour Pollution is not yet a well organised discipline and might be considered esoteric as it is necessary to incorporate elements of science and the humanities. It has been necessary to range widely across a number of aspects of the subject so that discussion is often restricted but many references have been included to enable a reader to pursue a particular point in greater depth. In a `fuzzy' subject there is often a yawning gap separating theory and practice, thus case studies have been used to illustrate the interplay of various disciplines in resolution of a problem. The essence of any science is observation and measurement. Observation has been made of the spread of odour pollution through a community and also of relevant meterological data so that a mathematical model could be constructed and its predictions checked. It has been used to explore the results of some options for odour control. Measurements of odour perception and human behaviour seldom have the precision and accuracy of the physical sciences. However methods of social research enabled individual perception of odour pollution to be quantified and an insight gained into reaction of a community exposed to it. Odours have four attributes that can be measured and together provide a complete description of its perception. No objective techniques of measurement have yet been developed but in this thesis simple, structured procedures of subjective assessment have been improvised and their use enabled the functioning of the components of an odour control system to be assessed. Such data enabled the action of the system to be communicated using terms that are understood by a non specialist audience.

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An analysis is made of the conceptions which serving teachers have of their role, though no attempt is made to relate this to their practice of teaching. A series of role items was collected to afford a description of the teacher's role in terms of school and society expectations as well as classroom behaviours. These were taken from the literature and from interviews with teachers, and confirmed in a preliminary survey. Presented as a questionnaire, replies to the main investigation were made by 881 teachers, working in a variety of schools from nurseries to comprehensives. Two attempts have been made to construct a role model. The first, depending on the judgement of items fitting theoretically derived roles, failed, due to diffuseness in the role of teacher. The second used factor analysis; six factors were extracted which represent meaningful and distinct areas of role. The analysis has depended largely on examination of scores taken from these factors. Teachers in all types of school have similar conceptions of discipline. Nursery-infant and junior staff generally agree on the other areas investigated, but the concepts of secondary teachers are distinct. They are more conservative and less child-centered. When the class being taught is held constant, few differences in role conception are found to be related to sex, being a parent, graduate status, or personality, as measured in terms of the extrovert and neurotic dimensions. The first few years of teaching bring considerable changes in role conception, and further changes occur with prolonged experience. Deputy heads in junior schools and nursery nurses have quite distinct role conceptions; those of all other teachers, including those holding senior posts in secondary schools, are similar. The perception of school climate influences the role conception of primary teachers directly, but it does not influence that of secondary teachers. The greatest variation in role conception is related to scores on the radical scale of Oliver and Butcher. Primary school teachers experience little constraint, but that reported by secondary school teachers is considerable, especially that coming from the head. Despite difficulties caused by the wide division between primary and secondary education, teachers have an accurate perception of the roles their colleagues adopt. A few misunderstandings may be due to a feeling of idealism amongst nursery and infant teachers. There is evidence in their conception of role that would enhance the professional standing of teachers, but this is not in a form which is likely to be recognised by the public.

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Recent poverty research focuses on the household responses to poverty through structure vs. agency perspectives. The human agency perspective, however, provides us important insights for looking beyond these simplistic tendencies which assume poor people as inherently passive, or envision them as helpless victims. In Turkey, politicians view poverty as a temporary and manageable problem which can be dealt with the provision of more charity or community support. Migrant networks, informal sector work and social assistance are considered to be important mechanisms that would provide resources for the poor. This paper argues that for some of the poor households none of these mechanisms provide sufficient resources. Instead, neighbourhood-based small-group solidarities and self-help networks enable those poor to develop collective capabilities and make ends meet. The paper also reveals that in Turkey, the implementation of social policies for poverty reduction could bring about relationships of patronage and in some cases contribute to existing inequalities.

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This dissertation is the formulation of an argument for the incorporation of a liberated federalism perspective as the foundational theoretical construct for the teaching and study of American government and civics at the secondary level. The argument asserts that the history of the nation, in terms of its basic view of government, has developed from a traditional federalist view to a natural rights view. Instruction of government and politics has paralleled that development. The argument further asserts that the current dependence on the natural rights perspective has contributed and helped legitimize, however unintentionally, the excessive levels of individualism, self-absorption, and uncivil behavior that is being experienced in our society today.^ The argumentation follows the dialectic form presented by Hegel of thesis, antithesis, and synthesis. That is, the thesis argues that the traditional federalist perspective would serve as a viable construct for the teaching of government and civics. In this portion of the argument, the republican model of political reality is presented. The antithesis promotes the natural rights perspective and relies on the political systems model for its theoretical approach. Finally, the synthesis argues that a liberated federalism perspective should be the foundational construct. Here, the argument presents its own model as a theoretical construct that is designed to assist teachers and curriculum materials writers in the development of American government and civics lessons and materials. ^

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The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of multimedia instruction on achievement of college students in AMR 2010 from exploration and discovery to 1865. A non-equivalent control group design was used. The dependent variable was achievement. The independent variables were learning styles, method of instruction, and visual clarifiers (notes). The study was conducted using two history sections from Palm Beach Community College, in Boca Raton, Florida, between August and December, 1998. Data were obtained by means of placement scores, posttests, the Productivity Environmental Preference Survey (PEPS), and a researcher-developed student survey. Statistical analysis of the data was done using SPSS statistical software. Demographic variables were compared using Chi square. T tests were run on the posttests to determine the equality of variances. The posttest scores of the groups were compared using the analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) at the .05 level of significance. The first hypothesis there is a significant difference in students' learning of U.S. History when students receive multimedia instruction was supported, F (1, 52) = 16.88, p < .0005, and F = (1, 53) = 8.52, p < .005 for Tests 2 and 3, respectively. The second hypothesis there is a significant difference on the effectiveness of multimedia instruction based on students' various learning preferences was not supported. The last hypotheses there is a significant difference on students' learning of U.S. History when students whose first language is other than English and students who need remediation receive visual clarifiers were not supported. Analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) indicated no difference between the groups on Test 1, Test 2, or Test 3: F (1, 45) = .01, p < .940, F (1, 52) = .77, p < .385, and F (1, 53) =.17, p < .678, respectively, for language. Analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) indicated no significant difference on Test 1, Test 2, or Test 3, between the groups on the variable remediation: F (1, 45) = .31, p < .580, F (1, 52) = 1.44, p < .236, and F (1, 53) = .21, p < .645, respectively. ^

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The Ellison Executive Mentoring Inclusive Community Building (ICB) Model is a paradigm for initiating and implementing projects utilizing executives and professionals from a variety of fields and industries, university students, and pre-college students. The model emphasizes adherence to ethical values and promotes inclusiveness in community development. It is a hierarchical model in which actors in each succeeding level of operation serve as mentors to the next. Through a three-step process—content, process, and product—participants must be trained with this mentoring and apprenticeship paradigm in conflict resolution, and they receive sensitivity and diversity training through an interactive and dramatic exposition. ^ The content phase introduces participants to the model's philosophy, ethics, values and methods of operation. The process used to teach and reinforce its precepts is the mentoring and apprenticeship activities and projects in which the participants engage and whose end product demonstrates their knowledge and understanding of the model's concepts. This study sought to ascertain from the participants' perspectives whether the model's mentoring approach is an effective means of fostering inclusiveness, based upon their own experiences in using it. The research utilized a qualitative approach and included data from field observations, individual and group interviews, and written accounts of participants' attitudes. ^ Participants complete ICB projects utilizing The Ellison Model as a method of development and implementation. They generally perceive that the model is a viable tool for dealing with diversity issues whether at work, at school, or at home. The projects are also instructional in that whether participants are mentored or serve as apprentices, they gain useful skills and knowledge about their careers. Since the model is relatively new, there is ample room for research in a variety of areas including organizational studies to determine its effectiveness in combating problems related to various kinds of discrimination. ^

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This study assessed the civic knowledge, skills, and attitudes of Hispanic eighth grade students in Miami-Dade County Public Schools (M-DCPS), Florida. Three hundred sixty one Hispanic students of Cuban (253), Colombian (57), and Nicaraguan (51) ancestry from 10 middle schools participated in the study. Two hundred twenty eight students were from low socio-economic status (SES) background, and 133 were of middle SES background. There were 136 boys and 225 girls. The International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement Civic Education Student Questionnaire was used to collect data. The instrument assessed the students’ civic knowledge, skills, and attitudes. Multivariate analysis of variance was used to test for differences in the civic knowledge, skills, and attitudes of participants based on ancestry, SES, and gender. ^ The findings indicated that there was no significant difference in the civic knowledge, skills, and attitudes of Hispanic eighth grade students that were of Cuban, Colombian, and Nicaraguan ancestry. There was no significant difference in the civic skills and in five of the civic attitude scales for students from low SES families compared to those from middle SES families. However, there was a significant difference in the civic knowledge and in the civic attitude concerning classroom discussions and participation based on SES. The civic knowledge of middle SES students was higher than that of low SES students. Furthermore, middle SES Hispanic students displayed a higher mean score for the civic attitude of classroom discussions and participation than low SES students. There was no significant difference in the civic knowledge and in five of the civic attitude scales between boys and girls. However, there was a significant difference in the civic skills and the civic attitude of support for women’s rights between boys and girls. Hispanic girls displayed a higher mean score in civic skills than Hispanic boys. Furthermore, the mean score of civic attitude of support for women’s rights for Hispanic girls was higher than that of Hispanic boys. ^ It was concluded that Cuban, Colombian, or Nicaraguan participants did not demonstrate differences in civic attitudes and levels of civic knowledge and skills that eighth grade students possessed. In addition, when compared to boys, girls demonstrated a higher level of civic skills and a greater support for women’s rights and participation in politics and their roles in politics. Moreover, SES was demonstrated to be a key factor in the acquisition of civic knowledge, regardless of ancestry.^

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It is unlikely that the newly elected government of Dilma Rousseff will make any fundamental changes to the major imperatives that underlie Brazilian policy: that is, macroeconomic stability and poverty alleviation. These policy imperatives have set the country on the road to good governance and have provided former presidents a chance to claim continuity. While President Rousseff of the Worker’s Party (PT) may have a distinct style, personality, and set of leadership skills compared to her predecessors, she is expected to maintain the core macroeconomic stability and social policies that are currently in place. Many who expected Rousseff to be former president Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva’s carbon copy are discovering that from day one she has showcased a different governing style than her mentor. She has emphasized her commanding authority and has brought about fresh approaches to delicate matters, which entail domestic economic issues and foreign policy. For example, her administration has aggressively applied a set of macro-prudential measures to counter inflationary pressures on the Brazilian currency (Real). And in foreign policy, she has steadfastly recalibrated Itamarity’s stance on the controversial issues, such as Iran, and now appears to have refocused its short-term efforts on cementing Brazil’s leadership role in the region’s southern cone.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to provide an analysis of sistematización’s use as a research tool in the operationalization of a “neighborhood approach” to the implementation of disaster risk reduction (DRR) in informal urban settlements. Design/methodology/approach – The first section highlights sistematización’s historical origins in Latin America in the fields of popular adult education, social work, and rural development. The second explains why sistematización was made a required component of project implementation. The third section addresses the approach to sistematización used. The final discusses how this experience both contributes to sistematización’s theoretical development and practical application as a methodology. Findings – The introduction of “sistematización” as a research tool facilitated real-time assessment of project implementation, providing timely information that positively influenced decision-making processes. This on-going feedback, collective learning, and open-exchange of know-how between NGOs and partner institutions allowed for the evaluation of existing practices and development of new ways of collaborating to address disaster risk in complex and dynamic urban environments. Practical implications – Sistematización transcends the narrow focus of traditional monitoring and evaluation on final results, emphasizing a comprehensive understanding of processes and contexts. Originality/value – Its use in the implementation of DRR initiatives in informal urban environments is particularly novel, highlighting the capacity of the methodology to be tailored to a variety of needs, in this case, bridging the gap between NGOs, local governments, and vulnerable communities, as well as between urban, development, and disaster risk management planning.

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This study aimed to analyze the perception of home caregivers of children from zero to five years-old on child domestic accidents and their influence in preventing these events. Exploratory and descriptive study with a qualitative approach, conducted with 20 caregivers attended at the Family Health Unit of Cidade Nova in Natal/Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil. The participants should have age less than 18 years-old, being a caregiver of at least a five year-old child and living in the area ascribed of Family Health Unit in the neighborhood Cidade Nova. Data collection occurred between March and April 2013 and a semistructured interview script was used. This stage was preceded by the acquiescence of the director of health institution where the research was developed, the Health Department of the Municipality of Natal as well as the Ethics Committee in Research of Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte under Opinion nº 219 872 and CAAE nº 12236013.7.0000.5537. It is noted that respondents were asked to formal authorization by the Term of Consent. The data were treated according to the technique of the Collective Subject Discourse and analyzed based on three dimensions of the Health Belief Model, relating to perceptions of susceptibility to infant domestic accidents, self-efficacy to prevent infant and indicia domestic accidents for action of preventing domestic accidents in childhood. The results revealed that all the respondents were women, who, in their majority, they are mothers of the children they care, and predominantly they are aged between 18 and 30 years-old, full high school education and unemployed. Concerning the perception of susceptibility, it was unveiled understanding of deponents on various types of accidents, which are considered preventable. For this purpose, it was highlighted that the constant surveillance of the children is essential, keeping in view their high degree of curiosity and immaturity. On the perceived selfefficacy, the participants reported adopting preventive measures; however, they reported experiencing falls, burns, electric shocks and dog bites. In regard to the meaning attributed to experienced accidents they highlighted their feelings of guilt and despair, particularly about the cases understood as serious. Regarding the last dimension analyzed, related to indications for action, family, friends and television were the main source of information about household accidents and their prevention methods; however, health professionals were rarely cited as issuers of such knowledge. It is concluded that there is a widespread perception of women about prevention of domestic accidents and the weakness in the view of health professionals, including nurses, as disseminators of this information. This suggests the need to strengthen the dialogue on the issue and encouraging the participation of caregivers actively in the prevention of child domestic accidents

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Childhood and adolescence care has frequently caused theoretical and methodological discussions. At national level, the way of dealing with this public has always been on the agenda, either by maintaining a paternalistic treatment, or by coercive and repressive expression with which this public is treated. Given the above, this research presents a thorough study of social policies focused on children and adolescents in Brazil, with the overall purpose of investigating how this process of implementation of public policies for poor children and adolescents in the state of Rio Grande do Norte was. In previous studies, it was identified that there are no official records regarding the policy implementation process for this population in the state of Rio Grande do Norte. A retrospective study about the care towards children and adolescents in Brazil was held. It ranged from the XXVIII century, through the period of assistance, until the historical period in which the child started to be considered from the perspective of a policy. Thus, a certain period was framed, so that, through the historical research method, this study could focus on gathering data about the attention focused on childhood and adolescence in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, between the years 1964 and 1988. Data was listed from newspaper files that circulated in the state during period mentioned above. This time framing corresponds to the regency of the National Policy of Child Welfare. In the state of Rio Grande do Norte, the implementation of institutions such as FUNBERN and then FEBEM did not differ from the national standard, since many projects and care programs for poor children and teenagers were executed in this period. The implementation of these institutions revealed the concern of the state in solving the problem of “minors” regarding to situations of abandonment or "delinquency" which they were involved with. However, the kind of protection provided by the state toward this population was based on the current ideology that supported the political system at the time: the military dictatorship. Thus, the main way to provide care to this population was through its institutionalization, through taking children to daycare centres and adolescents to “reeducational” institutes for “minors”.

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This dissertation is the result of a research process that sought , from the speech of women in situations of violence , examine the difficulties these women to access the "network " of assistance to women victims of violence in the city of Natal/RN . Therefore , we made a critical analysis from the perspective of totality on the processual ontological " being a woman " and " be a man " , articulating the determinations of the subjective and objective dimensions in the lives of women at this juncture . Thus , also reflecting on the system of oppression of women through Capitalism / Patriarchate , articulated with other determinations of reality , as race / ethnicity , sexual orientation , generation and territoriality . Because of the oppression of women in all aspects of social life , the feminist movement led to the public domain claims against the oppressions of women and fight for Public Social Policies that aim to the particularities of women , among them, the social policies of coping violence against women . The speeches of the women interviewed show the contradictory aspect of work in women's lives . On the one hand , can become a means to financial independence ( with the possibility of exit from violent means). On the other , it can become "cause " of justification for the exercise of violence against women by their partners or former partners . Also show that despite legal advances , there is no effective implementation of policies aimed at women . This occurs as a result of capitalism / patriarchy and the context of neoliberal management of big capital . Thus , the feminist movement , as well as the social movement of the working class , must seek the empowerment of women through the struggle to end all forms of oppression , exploitation and domination among humans.

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Transnational governance has been advanced as a viable option for regulating commodities produced in emerging economies—where incapable or unwilling states may undersupply institutions requisite for overseeing supply chains consistent with the quality, safety, environmental, or social standards demanded by the global marketplace. Producers from these jurisdictions, otherwise left with few venues for securing market access and price premiums, ostensibly benefit from whatever pathways transnational actors offer to minimize barriers to entry—including voluntary certification for compliance with a panoply of public and private rules, such as those promulgated by NGOs like the Fair Trade Federation or multinational retailers like Wal-Mart. Yet, such transnational “sustainability” governance may neither be effective nor desirable. Regulatory schemes, like third-party certification, often privilege the interests of primary architects and beneficiaries—private business associations, governments, NGOs, and consumers in the global North—over regulatory targets—producers in the global South. Rather than engaging with the international marketplace via imported and externally-driven schemes, some producer groups are instead challenging existing rules and innovating homegrown institutions. These alternatives to commercialization adopt some institutional characteristics of their transnational counterparts yet deliver benefits in a manner more aligned with the needs of producers. Drawing on original empirical cases from Nicaragua and Mexico, this dissertation examines the role of domestic institutional alternatives to transnational governance in enhancing market access, environmental quality and rural livelihoods within producer communities. Unlike the more technocratic and expert-driven approaches characteristic of mainstream governance efforts, these local regulatory institutions build upon the social capital, indigenous identity, “ancestral” knowledge, and human assets of producer communities as new sources of power and legitimacy in governing agricultural commodities.

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L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’identifier les déterminants de la générosité de l’aide sociale au Canada. Plus précisément, quels sont les facteurs qui expliquent les variations entre les montants d’aide sociale entre les provinces canadiennes de 1990 à 2009? Pourquoi le Québec, la Saskatchewan et Terre-Neuve-Labrador sont plus généreux que le Nouveau-Brunswick et l’Alberta? L’analyse de ces 10 politiques distinctes est produite à partir d’un cadre théorique quadripartite qui inclut le rôle des acteurs (partis politiques et syndicats), les traits institutionnels (dépenses publiques et engagement à la redistribution), les contraintes budgétaires (taux d’assistance sociale, dette, économie) et le rôle du gouvernement fédéral (montant et type de transfert). Les résultats démontrent que l’aide sociale est une politique hautement dépendante au sentier et incrémentale. Des transferts fédéraux à coût partagé et un taux de syndicalisation élevé sont des facteurs qui exercent une influence positive sur la générosité des provinces. À l’inverse, les partis de droite ainsi qu’une situation budgétaire difficile ont un impact négatif. Il faut noter que la richesse économique des provinces n’est pas associée à une plus grande générosité de l’aide sociale, au contraire les prestations d’aide sociale étaient plus faibles en 2009 qu’en 1990 malgré un PIB qui a presque doublé. De plus, des provinces riches comme l’Alberta et la Colombie-Britannique sont peu généreuses. Finalement, il faut noter que les partis politiques de gauche n’ont pas l’effet positif escompté sur la générosité des politiques de revenu minimum.

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El objetivo del trabajo es presentar el proceso de centralización administrativa de la repartición sanitaria nacional. Para ello se analizan, en primer lugar y con la intención de situar el problema en un plazo más largo, los límites que debió afrontar el Departamento Nacional de Higiene desde el momento de su creación, en 1880, para avanzar en sus intenciones centralizadoras. Entre ellos se encuentran su escasa autonomía administrativa, las superposiciones jurisdiccionales con otras dependencias del Estado, las indefiniciones respecto de su supremacía jerárquica, la resistencia de las provincias, los municipios fuertes y las asociaciones benéficas y los conflictos de proyectos al interior mismo de la repartición. En segundo lugar se muestra cómo los sucesivos presidentes del Departamento Nacional de Higiene asumieron ese límite para su gestión y apostaron a la organización interna de la repartición antes que al desafío de la centralización de la asistencia sanitaria. Su estrategia fue el fortalecimiento de nuevas áreas de incumbencia que constituyeron una agenda que sirvió como base de la definitiva centralización de la administración sanitaria. En esta tarea contaron con el apoyo parlamentario, fundamentalmente de la bancada socialista, que logró convertir en ley durante los años 30 a una serie de nuevas atribuciones del Departamento en aspectos que ligaban la salud con la asistencia social. Por último se analiza un momento clave de este proceso, el primer ensayo de centralización sanitaria a través de la creación, en 1943, de la Dirección Nacional de Salud Pública y Asistencia Social.