939 resultados para Liberal nationalism


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Advancements in IC processing technology has led to the innovation and growth happening in the consumer electronics sector and the evolution of the IT infrastructure supporting this exponential growth. One of the most difficult obstacles to this growth is the removal of large amount of heatgenerated by the processing and communicating nodes on the system. The scaling down of technology and the increase in power density is posing a direct and consequential effect on the rise in temperature. This has resulted in the increase in cooling budgets, and affects both the life-time reliability and performance of the system. Hence, reducing on-chip temperatures has become a major design concern for modern microprocessors. This dissertation addresses the thermal challenges at different levels for both 2D planer and 3D stacked systems. It proposes a self-timed thermal monitoring strategy based on the liberal use of on-chip thermal sensors. This makes use of noise variation tolerant and leakage current based thermal sensing for monitoring purposes. In order to study thermal management issues from early design stages, accurate thermal modeling and analysis at design time is essential. In this regard, spatial temperature profile of the global Cu nanowire for on-chip interconnects has been analyzed. It presents a 3D thermal model of a multicore system in order to investigate the effects of hotspots and the placement of silicon die layers, on the thermal performance of a modern ip-chip package. For a 3D stacked system, the primary design goal is to maximise the performance within the given power and thermal envelopes. Hence, a thermally efficient routing strategy for 3D NoC-Bus hybrid architectures has been proposed to mitigate on-chip temperatures by herding most of the switching activity to the die which is closer to heat sink. Finally, an exploration of various thermal-aware placement approaches for both the 2D and 3D stacked systems has been presented. Various thermal models have been developed and thermal control metrics have been extracted. An efficient thermal-aware application mapping algorithm for a 2D NoC has been presented. It has been shown that the proposed mapping algorithm reduces the effective area reeling under high temperatures when compared to the state of the art.

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Background: Approximately 11,000 revascularization procedures, either percutaneous coronary interventions (PCI) or coronary artery bypass grafting surgery (CABG), are performed yearly in Finland for coronary artery disease. Periprocedural risk factors for mortality and morbidity as well as long-term outcome have been extensively studied in general populations undergoing revascularization. Treatment choice between PCI and CABG in many high risk groups and risk-stratification, however, needs clarification and there is still room for improvement in periprocedural outcomes. Materials and methods: Cohorts of patients from Finnish hospitals revascularized between 2001 and 2011 were retrospectively analyzed. Patient records were reviewed for baseline variables and postprocedural outcomes (stroke, myocardial infarction, quality of life measured by the EQ-5D –questionnaire, repeat revascularization, bleeding episodes). Data on date and mode of death was acquired from Statistics Finland. Statistical analysis was performed to identify predictors of adverse events and compare procedures. Results: Postoperative administration of blood products (red blood cells, fresh frozen plasma, platelets) after isolated CABG independently and dose-dependently increases the risk of stroke. Patients 80 years or older who underwent CABG had better survival at 5 years compared to those who underwent PCI. After adjusting for baseline differences survival was similar. Patients on oral anticoagulation (OAC) for atrial fibrillation (AF) treated with CABG had better survival and overall outcome at 3 years compared to PCI patients. There was no difference in incidence of stroke or bleeding episodes. Differences in outcome remained significant after adjusting for propensity score. Lower health-related quality of life (HRQOL) scores as measured by the visual analogue scale (VAS) of the EQ-5D questionnaire at 6 months after CABG predicted later major adverse cardiac and cerebrovascular events (MACCE). Deteriorating function and VAS scores between 0 and 6 months on the EQ-5D also independently predicted later MACCE. Conclusions: Administration of blood products can increase the risk of stroke after CABG and liberal use of transfusions should be avoided. In the frail subpopulations of patients on OAC and octogenarians CABG appears to offer superior long-term outcome as compared to PCI. Deteriorating HRQOL scores predict later adverse events after CABG. Keywords: percutaneous coronary intervention, coronary artery bypass grafting, age over 80, transfusion, anticoagulants, coronary artery disease, health-related quality of life, outcome.

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Objective of the study The aim of this study is to understand the institutional implications in Abenomics in a spatial context, the contemporary economic reform taking place in Japan, which is to finally end over two decades of economic malaise. For theoretical perspective of choice, this study explores a synthesis of institutionalism as the main approach, complemented by economies of agglomeration in spatial economics, or New Economic Geography (NEG). The outcomes include a narrative with implications for future research, as well as possible future implications for the economy of Japan, itself. The narrative seeks to depict the dialogue between public discourse and governmental communication in order to create a picture of how this phenomenon is being socially constructed. This is done by studying the official communications by the Cabinet along with public media commentary on respective topics. The reform is studied with reference to historical socio-cultural, economic evolution of Japan, which in turn, is explored through a literature review. This is to assess the unique institutional characteristics of Japan pertinent to reform. Research method This is a social and exploratory qualitative study – an institutional narrative case study. The methodological approach was kept practical: in addition to literature review, a narrative, thematic content analysis with structural emphasis was used to construct the contemporary narrative based on the Cabinet communication. This was combined with practical analytic tools borrowed from critical discourse analysis, which were utilized to assess the implicit intertextual agenda within sources. Findings What appears to characterize the discourse is status quo bias that comes in multiple forms. The bias is also coded in the institutions surrounding the reform, wherein stakeholders have vested interests in protecting the current state of affairs. This correlates with uncertainty avoidance characteristic to Japan. Japan heeds the international criticism to deregulate on a rhetorical level, but consistent with history, the Cabinet solutions appear increasingly bureaucratic. Hence, the imposed western information-age paradigm of liberal cluster agglomeration seems ill-suited to Japan which lacks risk takers and a felicitous entrepreneur culture. The Japanese, however, possess vast innovative potential ascribed to some institutional practices and traits, but restrained by others. The derived conclusion is to study the successful intrapreneur cases in Japanese institutional setting as a potential benchmark for Japan specific cluster agglomeration, and a solution to its structural problems impeding growth.

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f. 13.5.1860 i S:t Michel, d. 30.3.1898 i Björneborg. K.A. Tavaststjerna är en av de tidigaste realistiska och moderna författarna i Finland, särskilt i den finlandssvenska litteraturen. I hans produktion, som tillkom under 1880- och 1890-talen, ifrågasätts konventionell idealism och nationalism mot bakgrund av en mörkare, mera desillusionerad skildring av den finländska verkligheten och av mänsklig falskhet. Återkommande ideal i hans verk är den fria tanken och ett kompromisslöst konstnärsliv och världsmedborgarskap, som kontrasteras mot tristessen i ett slutet och inskränkt Finland. Till hans mest betydande verk hör romanerna Barndomsvänner. Ett nutidsöde (1886) samt Hårda tider. Berättelse från Finlands sista nödår (1891), men i produktionen ingår även lyrik och dramatik. Tavaststjerna har också uppfattats som den första finlandssvenska författaren, dvs. en författare vars verk ger uttryck för känslan att som svenskspråkig i Finland tillhöra en minoritet.

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Kirjallisuusarvostelu

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Este artigo analisa o processo de construção identitária de Marcelo Crivella (então senador da República, eleito em 2002 pelo Partido Liberal, e bispo da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus) em sua campanha para o cargo de prefeito da cidade do Rio de Janeiro nas eleições de 2004 a partir da pesquisa do processo eleitoral nos jornais Folha Universal e O Globo. A observação de três tipos de recursos discursivos utilizados pelas publicações referidas indica, em sua orientação para a disputa política, a ocorrência de uma identidade fragmentária referente ao candidato. Tal processo explica-se no âmbito religioso como uma consequência do fenômeno da secularização e aponta para a autonomia da esfera política e sua relação com a pluralidade de esferas semânticas na sociedade.

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El objetivo de este artículo es caracterizar la figura del Pastor Protestante David Trumbull en la configuración del Frente anticlerical chileno de fines del siglo XIX. Se analizan los planteamientos fundamentales de Trumbull, respecto a la vinculación Política-Religión en temáticas críticas de época, como lo fueron la búsqueda de la Libertad de Culto y la participación de lo protestante en la construcción del Chile republicano. Es considerada la interrelación entre Masonería y Protestantismo a través de la figura de Trumbull, como un articulador de perspectivas doctrinalmente contradictorias, pero instrumentalmente posibles de ser ensambladas por causa de un objetivo común, la implementación del ideario liberal.

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The purpose of this thesis is to study how and to which extent Finland, Sweden and Norway have adapted their alcohol policies to the framework imposed to them by the EU and the European Economic Area (EEA) since the mid-1990s. This is done by studying the underlying mechanisms that have influenced the formation of alcohol policy in the Nordic countries in that period. As a part of this analysis main differences in alcohol policies and alcohol consumption between the three countries are assessed and the phenomenon of cross-border trade with alcohol is discussed. The study examines also the development of Finnish, Norwegian and Swedish alcohol policies between 1994 and 2012 and compares the Nordic alcohol policies with other alcohol policies in Europe as the situation was in 2012. The time frame of the study spans from the mid-1990s to the end of 2013 and is divided into three phases. Studying the role of the Europeanisation process on the formation of alcohol policies has a key role in the analysis. Besides alcohol policies, the analyses comprise the development of alcohol consumption and cross-border trade with alcohol. In addition, a quantitative scale constructed to measure the strictness of alcohol policies is utilised in the analyses. The results from the scale are used to substantiate the qualitative analysis and to test whether the stereotypical view of a strict Nordic alcohol policy is still true. The results from the study clearly corroborate earlier findings on the significance of Europeanisation and the Single Market for the development of alcohol policies in the Nordic countries. Free movement of goods and unhindered competition have challenged the principle of disinterest and enabled private profit seeking in alcohol trade. The Single Market has also contributed to the increase in availability of alcohol and made it more difficult for the Nordic EU member states to maintain restrictive alcohol policies. All in all, alcohol policies in the Nordic countries are more liberal in 2013 than they were in 1994. Norway, being outside the EU has, however, managed to maintain a stricter alcohol policy than Finland and Sweden. Norway has also been spared from several EU directives that have affected Finland and Sweden, the most remarkable being the abolishment of the travellers’ import quotas for alcohol within the EU. Due to its position as a non-EU country Norway has been able to maintain high alcohol taxes without being subjected to a ”race to the bottom” regarding alcohol taxes the same way as Finland and Sweden. Finland distinguishes as the country that has liberalised its alcohol policy most during the study period. The changes in alcohol policies were not only induced by Europeanisation and the Single Market, but also by autonomous decision-making and political processes in the individual countries. Furthermore, the study shows that alcohol policy measures are implemented more widely in Europe than before and that there is a slow process of convergence going on regarding alcohol policy in Europe. Despite this, alcohol policies in the Nordic countries are still by far the strictest in all of Europe. From a Europeanisation perspective, the Nordic countries were clearly on the receiving end during the first two study phases (1994–2007), having more to adjust to rules from the EU and the Single Market than having success in uploading and shaping alcohol policy on the European and international field. During the third and final study phase (2008–2013), however, the Nordic countries have increasingly succeeded in contributing to shape the alcohol policy arena in the EU and also more widely through the WHOs global alcohol strategy. The restrictive Nordic policy tradition on which the current alcohol policies in Finland, Sweden and Norway were built on has still quite a solid evidence base. Although the basis of the restrictive alcohol policy has crumbled somewhat during the past twenty years and the policies have become less effective, nothing prevents it from being the base for alcohol policy in the Nordic countries even in the long term. In the future, all that is needed for an effective and successful alcohol policy is a solid evidence base, enough political will and support from the general public.

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Tutkimus käsittelee venäläisessä sanomalehdistössä esiintyvää keskustelua Venäjän sotilasreformista. Tutkimuksessa haluttiin selvittää, millaisia diskursseja keskustelussa käytetään sotilasreformin oikeuttamiseksi ja miten ne toimivat vallankäytön välineenä. Tutkimus on monitieteinen. Se antaa vastauksia kielitieteellisessä kehyksessä kielen ja diskurssin roolista päätöksenteossa, yhteiskuntatieteellisessä kehyksessä venäläisestä mediasta ja päätöksentekojärjestelmästä sekä sotatieteellisessä kehyksessä asevoimien kehityksestä ja sotilaspolitiikasta. Tutkimuksen primääriaineisto muodostuu 220 artikkelista, jotka kerättiin yhdeksästä venäläisestä sanomalehdestä vuosien 2008–2012 ajalta. Venäjän johtohenkilöt ja heitä tukevat sanomalehdet oikeuttivat sotilasreformia julkisessa keskustelussa ensisijaisesti viiden syyn avulla: uhkien lisääntymisellä, sodan kuvan muutoksella, asevoimien kalustollisella ja toiminnallisella jälkeenjääneisyydellä, henkilöstön osaamisen alhaisella tasolla ja tarpeella toiminnan järkeistykseen. Sotilasreformin päätöksiä oikeutettiin vetoamalla niiden huolelliseen suunnitteluun, henkilöstön asialliseen kohteluun ja taloudellisten asioiden vakauteen. Sanomalehdistössä esiintyi paljon toisistaan poikkeavia näkemyksiä kehitykseen tarvittavasta suunnasta. Suurin osa kritisoivista diskursseista keskittyi kritisoimaan reformin toteutusta, ei sen olemassaoloa. Kritiikki keskittyi tiedotuksen ja demokraattisen päätöksenteon puutteeseen sekä epäilyksiin reformin valmisteluprosessista. Venäjän asevoimia ja sotilaspolitiikkaa koskevaa uutisointia on ongelmallista tarkastella ilman diskurssikäytäntöjen huomiointia. Venäjän johdon ja sen legitimiteettiä vahvistavien sanomalehtien diskursiivisen vallankäytön tavoitteena on saada Venäjä näyttämään todellisuutta vahvemmalta ja yhtenäisemmältä. Vaikka venäläinen media ja siinä etenkin televisio ei ole vapaata, sanomalehdistö on verrattain hyvä tiedonlähde. Sen varsin monipuolinen omistajuus tutkimusaineiston rajauksen aikana mahdollisti erilaisten näkökulmien esillepääsyn. Analyyttisimmin sotilasreformista uutisoivat ne sanomalehdet, jotka eivät nähneet länsimaita Venäjän uhkana ja representoivat diskursseissaan liberalistisia arvoja kuten avoimuutta ja demokratiaa. Sanomalehdistön vaatimaton rooli venäläisessä mediakentässä heikentää kuitenkin sen vaikuttavuutta yleiseen mielipiteeseen. Sanomalehtien diskurssikäytäntöjen analysointi ideologioiden ja vallankäytön kautta voi tarjota mahdollisuuksia parantaa venäläisen valtionjohdon päätösten ennustettavuutta.

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Kirjallisuusarvostelu

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This thesis constitutes an interdisciplinary approach to the Polish Romanticism combining literature studies with memory studies, nationalism research and psychoanalysis. This phenomenon-based study attempts to answer the question, how the Polish national poet Adam Mickiewicz (1798–1855) – or more exactly the implied authors in his works – perceived the role of poetry in mnemonic terms and how it changes in course of time. Consequently, ‘memory in literature’ (Astrin Erll and Ansger Nünning) is discussed here. Two pieces of writing by Mickiewicz – Konrad Wallenrod [1828] and the third part of Forefathers [1832], where a bard respectively a poetic genius appears – are seen as meta-texts defining goals of poets in time of the political non-existence of a state. Poetry is supposed to keep memory of the glorious past alive, kindle the love for the motherland, support the collective identity of a group and initiate a liberation movement. Poets function as memory guards, leaders of the nation and prophets. Thus, literature is a medium of collective memory – it stores crucial contents, transmits them and acts as a cue. Nevertheless, shifting the focus from the community towards well-being of individuals, which is consistent with the postmodern thinking, the impact that poetry has on members of a given memory culture (Jan Assmann) can be described in ‘vampiric’ terms (Maria Janion). Poetry embodying collective memory may be compared to ‘poison’, ‘infecting’ people with a nationalistic way of thinking to their disadvantage as far as their personal lives are concerned.

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There is currently little empirical knowledge regarding the construction of a musician’s identity and social class. With a theoretical framework based on Bourdieu’s (1984) distinction theory, Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) theory of ecological systems, and the identity theories of Erikson (1950; 1968) and Marcia (1966), a survey called the Musician’s Social Background and Identity Questionnaire (MSBIQ) is developed to test three research hypotheses related to the construction of a musician’s identity, social class and ecological systems of development. The MSBIQ is administered to the music students at Sibelius Academy of the University of Arts Helsinki and Helsinki Metropolia University of Applied Sciences, representing the ’highbrow’ and the ’middlebrow’ samples in the field of music education in Finland. Acquired responses (N = 253) are analyzed and compared with quantitative methods including Pearson’s chi-square test, factor analysis and an adjusted analysis of variance (ANOVA). The study revealed that (1) the music students at Sibelius Academy and Metropolia construct their subjective musician’s identity differently, but (2) social class does not affect this identity construction process significantly. In turn, (3) the ecological systems of development, especially the individual’s residential location, do significantly affect the construction of a musician’s identity, as well as the age at which one starts to play one’s first musical instrument. Furthermore, a novel finding related to the structure of a musician’s identity was the tripartite model of musical identity consisting of the three dimensions of a musician’s identity: (I) ’the subjective dimension of a musician’s identity’, (II) ’the occupational dimension of a musician’s identity’ and, (III) ’the conservative-liberal dimension of a musician’s identity’. According to this finding, a musician’s identity is not a uniform, coherent entity, but a structure consisting of different elements continuously working in parallel within different dimensions. The results and limitations related to the study are discussed, as well as the objectives related to future studies using the MSBIQ to research the identity construction and social backgrounds of a musician or other performing artists.

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Recent biotechnological advances have permitted the manipulation of genetic sequences to treat several diseases in a process called gene therapy. However, the advance of gene therapy has opened the door to the possibility of using genetic manipulation (GM) to enhance athletic performance. In such ‘gene doping’, exogenous genetic sequences are inserted into a specific tissue, altering cellular gene activity or leading to the expression of a protein product. The exogenous genes most likely to be utilized for gene doping include erythropoietin (EPO), vascular endothelial growth factor (VEGF), insulin-like growth factor type 1 (IGF-1), myostatin antagonists, and endorphin. However, many other genes could also be used, such as those involved in glucose metabolic pathways. Because gene doping would be very difficult to detect, it is inherently very attractive for those involved in sports who are prepared to cheat. Moreover, the field of gene therapy is constantly and rapidly progressing, and this is likely to generate many new possibilities for gene doping. Thus, as part of the general fight against all forms of doping, it will be necessary to develop and continually improve means of detecting exogenous gene sequences (or their products) in athletes. Nevertheless, some bioethicists have argued for a liberal approach to gene doping.

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Principen om nationalismen där det politiska och det nationella är samspelt kan vara av markant betydelse för uppbyggande av autonomiska regimer. Likaså tillåter decentralicering och delegering av befogenheter för språk och utbildning (officiellt erkännande av språk, standardisering av språk, undervisningsspråk och relaterade läroplaner) formning av identiteter inom dessa autonomiska regimer. Resultatet är en ofullkomlig cirkulär relation där språk, samfund och politiska institutioner ömsesidigt och kontinuerligt formar varandra: lingvistiskt mångfald prägar och formger autonomiska ordningar och vice-versa. De juridiska implikationerna av territoriella och icke-territoriella former av autonomi är dock av en annan art. Emedan territoriell autonomi bygger på idéen om ett eventuellt inkluderande hemland för lingvistiska grupper, vars vistelseort är avgörande, förstärker den icke-territoriella autonomin idéen om ett exclusivt samfund bestående av själv-identifierade medlemmar som är kapabla till självstyre oavsett territoriella gränser. Denna avhandling utgör an analys av sådana juridiska implikationer genom komparativa och institutionella analyser. Avhandlingen föreslår som resultat en serie av normativa och pragmatiska rekommendationer inriktade på att främja demokratiseringsprocesser i linje med principer om multikulturalism.

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Inclusion or Exclusion? Trade Union Strategies and Labor Migration This research identified and analyzed immigration-related strategies of the Finnish Construction Trade Union (FCTU) and the Service Union United (SUU); e.g. how the unions react to labor immigration, whether unions seek to include migrants in the unions, and what is migrants’ position in the unions. The two unions were chosen as the focus of the research because the workforce in the sectors they represent is migrant-dense. The study also analyzed the experiences that migrants who work in these sectors have with trade unions. The Estonian labor market situation –including the role of Estonian trade unions– was also examined as it has a considerable impact on the operating environment of the FCTU. The results of the study indicate that immigration is a contradictory issue for both unions. On the one hand, they strive to include migrants as trade union members and to defend migrants’ labor rights. On the other hand, they, together with their umbrella organization the Central Organisation of Finnish Trade Unions (SAK), seek to prevent labor immigration from outside the EU and EEA countries. They actively defend current labor immigration restrictions by drawing atten- tion to high unemployment figures and to the breaches of working conditions migrants encounter. In contrast, the employer organizations promote a more liberal state policy on labor immigration because they see it as a boost for business. Both the unions and the employer organizations ground their arguments on national interest. However, the position of the trade union movement is not uniform: unions belonging to the Confederation of Unions for Professionals and Managerial Staff in Finland (Akava) embrace more liberal labor immigration stances than the SAK. A key trade union strategy is to try to guarantee that migrants’ working condi- tions do not differ from those of the natives. The FCTU and the SUU inform migrants about Finnish collective agreements and trade union membership in the most common migrant languages. This is important for the unions because it is not in their interest that migrants’ working conditions are undercut. The interviewed migrants said that natives had more negotiating power with employers, which is often negatively portrayed in migrants’ working conditions. Migrants perceive that trade unions have an important role in protecting their working conditions. However, they stressed that migrants’ knowledge of unions is often very limited. The number of migrants in both two unions studied here is increasing. Espe- cially in the SUU, a considerable proportion of the new members are migrants. The FCTU is in a more challenging situation than the SUU because migrant construc- tion workers often work only for short periods in Finland and are consequently not interested in becoming union members. The unions’ strategies partly differ: the FCTU was the first Finnish trade union to establish a trade union branch/lo- cal for migrant members. The goal is to facilitate migrants’ inclusion in the union and to highlight the specific problems they face. The SUU, for its part, insists that such a special strategy would exclude migrants within the union organization. Despite the unions’ strategies, migrants are still underrepresented as union members and officials, which some of the interviewed migrants saw as a problem. Immigrants’ perception of trade unions was pragmatic: they had joined unions when membership yielded concrete benefits. In spite of the unions’ strategies, migrants –and temporary migrants– encoun- ter specific problems in terms of working conditions. Both unions demand more state intervention to protect migrants’ labor rights because overseeing working conditions consumes union resources. However, without the unions’ intervention, these problems would be more common than is currently the case. For instance, some of the interviewed migrants had received trade union assistance in claim- ing unpaid wages. The study demonstrated with the help of building on Walter Korpi’s power resources theory, that immigration is a power resource issue for the unions: suc- cessful immigration-related strategies strengthen unions –and vice versa. The research also showed how the unions’ operating environments constrain and enable their immigration-related strategies. This study has illuminated a previously ignored dimension: the immigrant- inclusive strategies of the Finnish trade unions. The research material consists of 78 qualitative interviews, observation in trade union events, and trade unions’ and employer organizations’ public state- ments.