Percepção térmica de idosos

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A questão do voto para o adulto analfabeto ou pouco letrado

The Youth and Adult Education is a reality that still stands on the school benches of Brazil. Elderly people historically get more integration in the world when appropriate to the written code. One of the issues that touch this insertion is the right to vote and, more than that, the awareness of the vote of young and adult illiterate or poorly literate. Thus, this project aims to raise throug the point of view of this student how he see himself as voter and what is their role in the democratic consolidation of this act, even if he is in the condition of illiterate or poorly literate. Therefore, a qualitative approach to research will be conducted, in which individual audio recorded interviews will be held, later transcribed and the data will be analyzed in the light of the studied literature, based on the writings of Paulo Freire. Will participate as subjects Teachers of EJA and of study the students enrolled in the Education of Young Adults rooms on the city of Bauru. The results shown in interviews with the teachers confirmed the investigation of expectations in the study of Paulo Freire which has literacy training as part of the citizenship, the results allowed the construction of the profile of a group of students. We also concluded that it was possible to deconstruct the myth of non-political consciousness of the illiterate and the presence of dialogue in pedagogical practice enabling awareness of Educating

The History of the German-Russian Colony in Lincoln

Standing at the corner of Tenth and O streets in the city of Lincoln, Nebraska, any week-day morning between 7:30 and 8 o'clock, you may see pass by you from ten to twenty women with little black woolen shawls on their heads. Ask any citizen who they are, and ninety-nine times in one hundred he will tell you they are "Russians" who live down on the bottoms, that they are going out into the offices and homes to wash and scrub and clean house, and that their husbands are street laborers or work for the railroad. He may then grow confidential and tell you that he "has no use for these people", that "they are only half human", and that he "would just as soon see the Chinese come here as those people". As a matter of fact the greater part of his information is incorrect, partly through race prejudice but chiefly through ignorance of their history. These people, of whom there are about 4,000 in the city (Including "beet fielders"), are Germans, not Russians: they are Teutons, not Slavs; they are Lutheran and Reformed, not Greek Catholics. To be sure they and their ancestors lived in Russia for over one hundred years and they came here directly from the realm of the Czar whoso bona fide citizens they were—but they never spoke the Russian language, never embraced the Greek religion, never intermarried with the Russians, and many of their children never saw a Russian until they left their native village for the new home in America. They despise being called "Russians" just as an Italian resents "Dago"; a Jew, "Sheeny"; and a German, "Dutchman". Ask them where they came from and most of the children and not a few of the grown people will say, "Germany". If you pursue your questioning as to what part of Germany, they will tell you "Saratov" or "Samara" - two governments in the eastern part of Russia on the lower course of the Volga river. The misconceptions concerning the desirability of these German-Russians as citizens arise from their unprogressiveness as compared with those Germans who come to us directly from the mother country. During their century's sojourn in Russia they have been out of the main current of civilization, a mere eddy in the stream of progress. They present a concrete example of arrested development, The characteristics which differentiate them from other Germans are not due to an inherent lack of capacity but to different environment. Notwithstanding this, the German- Russians have some admirable qualities. They bring us large stores of physical energy and an almost unlimited capacity for work. The majority of them are literate although the amount of their education is limited. They are thrifty and independent, almost never applying for public aid. They are law abiding, their chief offenses being those which are traceable to their communal life in Russia. They are extremely religious, all their social as well as spiritual life being bound up in the church which they support right royally. To be sure, the saloon gets their vote (the prohibition vote among them is increasing); but "was not the first miracle that Christ performed the turning of water into wine? If they would shut up the shows (theaters), they wouldn't need to shut up the saloons". The object of this paper is to give the historical setting in which the German-Russians have lived as one means to a better understanding and appreciation of them by our own citizens.

A questão do voto para o adulto analfabeto ou pouco letrado

The Youth and Adult Education is a reality that still stands on the school benches of Brazil. Elderly people historically get more integration in the world when appropriate to the written code. One of the issues that touch this insertion is the right to vote and, more than that, the awareness of the vote of young and adult illiterate or poorly literate. Thus, this project aims to raise throug the point of view of this student how he see himself as voter and what is their role in the democratic consolidation of this act, even if he is in the condition of illiterate or poorly literate. Therefore, a qualitative approach to research will be conducted, in which individual audio recorded interviews will be held, later transcribed and the data will be analyzed in the light of the studied literature, based on the writings of Paulo Freire. Will participate as subjects Teachers of EJA and of study the students enrolled in the Education of Young Adults rooms on the city of Bauru. The results shown in interviews with the teachers confirmed the investigation of expectations in the study of Paulo Freire which has literacy training as part of the citizenship, the results allowed the construction of the profile of a group of students. We also concluded that it was possible to deconstruct the myth of non-political consciousness of the illiterate and the presence of dialogue in pedagogical practice enabling awareness of Educating

The education of the body for an "integral soldier", "physically strong, intelligent and soul superior"

This study examines the paramilitary training carried out by the Integralist Militia (Militia Integralista), unit of the Brazilian Integralist Action (Acao Integralista Brasileira, AIB) of the extreme right wing political party in Brazil in the 1930s. The training was aimed to create the "integral soldier", a "physically strong, intelligent and soul superior" one. The study analyzes issues of the newspaper "Monitor Integralista", a prescriptive and dogmatic journal of the movement, found in the Public and History Archives of the city of Rio Claro, State of Sao Paulo, and in the "A Offensiva" newspaper, microfilmed an archived at the National Library of Rio de Janeiro. It concludes that Plinio Salgado's goal, the National Head of the AIB, was to train, by using verbal persuasion, speeches, word of mouth and by vote, by force and physical combat, the integralists to defend the causes of the movement.

The EXTRIP (EXtracorporeal TReatments In Poisoning) workgroup: Guideline methodology

Extracorporeal treatments (ECTRs), such as hemodialysis and hemoperfusion, are used in poisoning despite a lack of controlled human trials demonstrating efficacy. To provide uniform recommendations, the EXTRIP group was formed as an international collaboration among recognized experts from nephrology, clinical toxicology, critical care, or pharmacology and supported by over 30 professional societies. For every poison, the clinical benefit of ECTR is weighed against associated complications, alternative therapies, and costs. Rigorous methodology, using the AGREE instrument, was developed and ratified. Methods rely on evidence appraisal and, in the absence of robust studies, on a thorough and transparent process of consensus statements. Twenty-four poisons were chosen according to their frequency, available evidence, and relevance. A systematic literature search was performed in order to retrieve all original publications regardless of language. Data were extracted on a standardized instrument. Quality of the evidence was assessed by GRADE as: High = A, Moderate = B, Low = C, Very Low = D. For every poison, dialyzability was assessed and clinical effect of ECTR summarized. All pertinent documents were submitted to the workgroup with a list of statements for vote (general statement, indications, timing, ECTR choice). A modified Delphi method with two voting rounds was used, between which deliberation was required. Each statement was voted on a Likert scale (1-9) to establish the strength of recommendation. This approach will permit the production of the first important practice guidelines on this topic.

Essays on the political economy of European integration

Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.

'Defending the rights'. An integrated model of collective action for "public water" in Italy

In many communities, supplying water for the people is a huge task and the fact that this essential service can be carried out by the private sector respecting the right to water, is a debated issue. This dissertation investigates the mechanisms through which a 'perceived rights violation' - which represents a specific form of perceived injustice which derives from the violation of absolute moral principles – can promote collective action. Indeed, literature on morality and collective action suggests that even if many people apparently sustain high moral principles (like human rights), only a minority decides to act in order to defend them. Taking advantage of the political situation in Italy, and the recent mobilization for "public water" we hypothesized that, because of its "sacred value", the perceived violation of the right to water facilitates identification with the social movement and activism. Through five studies adopting qualitative and quantitative methods, we confirmed our hypotheses demonstrating that the perceived violation of the right to water can sustain activism and it can influence vote intentions at the referendum for 'public water'. This path to collective action coexists with other 'classical' predictors of collective action, like instrumental factors (personal advantages, efficacy beliefs) and anger. The perceived rights violation can derive both from personal values (i.e. universalism) and external factors (i.e. a mobilization campaign). Furthermore, we demonstrated that it is possible to enhance the perceived violation of the right to water and anger through a specifically designed communication campaign. The final chapter summarizes the main findings and discusses the results, suggesting some innovative line of research for collective action literature.

Reti socievoli: l’impatto dei social networks nella costruzione dello spazio pubblico

La tesi si è consolidata nell’analisi dell’impatto dei social networks nella costruzione dello spazio pubblico, nella sfera di osservazione che è la rete e il web2.0. Osservando che il paradigma della società civile si sia modificato. Ridefinendo immagini e immaginari e forme di autorappresentazione sui new media (Castells, 2010). Nel presupposto che lo spazio pubblico “non è mai una realtà precostituita” (Innerarity, 2008) ma si muove all’interno di reti che generano e garantiscono socievolezza. Nell’obiettivo di capire cosa è spazio pubblico. Civic engagement che si rafforza in spazi simbolici (Sassen, 2008), nodi d’incontro significativi. Ivi cittadini-consumatori avanzano corresponsabilmente le proprie istanze per la debacle nei governi.. Cultura partecipativa che prende mossa da un nuovo senso civico mediato che si esprime nelle “virtù” del consumo critico. Portando la politica sul mercato. Cultura civica autoattualizzata alla ricerca di soluzioni alle crisi degli ultimi anni. Potere di una comunicazione che riduce il mondo ad un “villaggio globale” e mettono in relazione i pubblici connessi in spazi e tempi differenti, dando origine ad azioni collettive come nel caso degli Indignados, di Occupy Wall Street o di Rai per una notte. Emerge un (ri)pensare la citizenship secondo due paradigmi (Bennett,2008): l’uno orientato al governo attraverso i partiti, modello “Dutiful Citizenship”; l’altro, modello “Self Actualizing Citizenship” per cui i pubblici attivi seguono news ed eventi, percepiscono un minor obbligo nel governo, il voto è meno significativo per (s)fiducia nei media e nei politici. Mercato e società civile si muovono per il bene comune e una nuova “felicità”. La partecipazione si costituisce in consumerismo politico all’interno di reti in cui si sviluppano azioni individuali attraverso il social networking e scelte di consumo responsabile. Partendo dall’etnografia digitale, si è definito il modello “4 C”: Conoscenza > Coadesione > Co-partecipazione > Corresposabilità (azioni collettive) > Cultura-bility.

Deleghe di voto e acquisto del controllo nelle societa' quotate

A fronte dal recepimento del direttiva SHR nel nostro ordinamento, realizzato dal d.lgs. 27/2010, il presente lavoro si propone anzitutto di analizzare l'attuale ruolo della delega di voto - sollecitata e non - per poi verificare quale sia l'interesse concretamente sotteso a un voto così esercitato, con particolare attenzione alla sollecitazione di deleghe di voto, oggi destinata espressamente (per la prevalente dottrina) a consentire al promotore il perseguimento di interessi propri. Le considerazioni riguardo all'interesse concretamente sotteso al voto esercitato per delega portano a vagliarne la rilevanza ai fini della nozione di controllo, ex art. 2359 c.c., la quale esclude espressamente dai voti rilevanti esclusivamente quelli esercitati "per conto terzi", e non, dunque, anche quelli esercitati nell'interesse proprio da un soggetto non titolare della partecipazione. Viene quindi affrontata la principale critica ad un controllo raggiunto per tale via e, più in generale, attraverso una delle varie forme di dissociazione tra titolarità della partecipazione e legittimazione all'esercizio del voto ad essa relativo, ovvero la apparente mancanza di stabilità. Considerando tuttavia che ogni ipotesi di controllo c.d. di fatto per definizione non gode di stabilità se non si scelga di ammettere una valutazione di tale requisito necessariamente prognostica ed ex ante, si giunge alla conclusione che la fattispecie di un controllo acquisito tramite sollecitazione di deleghe si distingue da altre ipotesi di controllo di fatto esclusivamente per la maggiore difficoltà dell'accertamento in fatto del requisito della stabilità. Si affronta infine la possibilità di garantire il diritto di exit (ovvero una tutela risarcitoria) del socio di minoranza che veda modificate le condizioni di rischio del proprio investimento a causa di una modifica del soggetto controllante derivante da sollecitazione di deleghe, tramite applicazione diretta della disciplina OPA ovvero riconducendo la fattispecie all'art. 2497quater, lett. d, ove ne ricorrano i presupposti.

Wählen im räumlichen Kontext : eine empirische Untersuchung zum Einfluss der sozialen Komposition des Wahlkreises auf die individuelle Wahlentscheidung bei der Bundestagswahl 2009

Die meisten Studien der empirischen Wahlforschung führen das Wählverhalten bei deutschen Bundestagswahlen gemäß den bewährten Erklärungsansätzen (Columbia School, Cleavage-Theorie, Michigan School, …) auf Faktoren der Individualebene zurück. Nur wenige analysieren darüber hinaus den Einfluss räumlicher Kontextmerkmale. Diese Beiträge gelangen zudem zu widersprüchlichen Befunden, z.B. darüber, welcher Anteil der Gesamtvarianz überhaupt durch Kontextfaktoren erklärt werden kann. Daher will die vorliegende Arbeit klären, inwiefern die soziale Komposition des räumlichen Kontexts über individuelle Merkmale der Wähler hinaus ihre individuelle Wahlentscheidung bei der Bundestagswahl 2009 beeinflusst hat. Dazu wird zunächst ein räumliches Mehrebenen-Modell des individuellen Wahlverhaltens entwickelt, das den Einfluss von Kontextmerkmalen u.a. auf soziale Interaktionsmechanismen innerhalb der Kontexteinheiten zurückführt. Zudem werden die zentralen individuellen Erklärungsfaktoren der oben genannten Theorien (Parteiidentifikation, Kandidaten-, Sachfragen-Orientierung, soziale Gruppenzugehörigkeit) in das Modell integriert. Auf Grundlage von Daten der German Longitudinal Election Study werden anschließend logistische Mehrebenen-Modelle für die alten und erstmals auch für die neuen Bundesländer und Deutschland geschätzt. Erstmals werden zudem Wahlkreise als relevante Kontexteinheiten untersucht. Es zeigt sich, dass ein kleiner Teil der Varianz der individuellen Wahlentscheidung allein auf Merkmale des Wahlkreises zurückgeführt werden kann. Es treten sowohl direkte Kontexteffekte als auch Mehrebenen-Interaktionseffekte auf, die sich jedoch in ihrer Wirkung zwischen den Regionen und auch zwischen den Parteien erheblich unterscheiden.

Wahlbeteiligung bei Europawahlen : eine empirische Studie zu Deutschland und Polen

In der Arbeit wird die Wahlbeteiligung bei Europawahlen analysiert. Es geht um die Beantwortung der Frage, ob die individuelle Wahlteilnahme in alten und neuen EU-Mitgliedsstaaten bzw. alten und jungen Demokratien auf die gleichen Erklärungsgrößen zurückgeht oder ob möglicherweise Unterschiede zwischen beiden Ländergruppen bestehen. rnAls Bezugspunkt dient die Europawahl, die im Juni 2009 stattfand: Bei dieser Wahl fällt nicht nur die generell niedrige Beteiligung auf, sondern auch erhebliche Niveauunterschiede zwischen den einzelnen Mitgliedsstaaten. Um diesen Befund erklären zu können, wird zunächst ein theoretisches Erklärungsmodell entwickelt, das sich auf die folgenden fünf Dimensionen bezieht: politisches System der EU, europäische politische Gemeinschaft, Wählermobilisierung während des Europawahlkampfes, Gewohnheitswahl und Einschätzung der staatlichen sowie der eigenen wirtschaftlichen Lage. Als Erklärungsgröße werden in den fünf Bereichen jeweils unterschiedlich stark ausgeprägte Defizite in den beiden Ländergruppen angenommen. rnExemplarisch werden Deutschland und Polen untersucht. Die empirischen Analysen basieren auf dem umfangreichen Datensatz der European Election Study 2009 (ESS), hier werden die Daten der Voter Study verwendet. Nicht alle Hypothesen lassen sich im Rahmen der Arbeit bestätigten, nur ein Teil der unabhängigen Variablen hat auch im multivariaten Modell noch einen Einfluss auf die Europawahlbeteiligung. rnFür Deutschland zeigen die Ergebnisse, dass Wahlnorm und Wählermobilisierung einen größeren Effekt auf die Stimmabgabe ausüben als die Nutzenseite (Effektivität) der Wahlen. Im zweiten Modell, das für die polnischen Befragten berechnet wurde, erweisen sich nur zwei der unabhängigen Variablen als signifikant, d.h. nur die Einschätzung der Effektivität der Wahl und die internalisierte Wahlnorm haben einen Einfluss auf die Wahlteilnahme. Von der Effektivitätseinstufung geht eine größere Erklärungskraft aus als von der Wahlnorm; in diesem Modell überwiegt folglich die Nutzenseite der Europawahl. Es kann gezeigt werden, dass die unterschiedlichen Beteiligungsraten in den beiden Staaten durch unterschiedlich stark ausgeprägte Defizite in den Bereichen des politischen Systems und der Wahlnorm zustande kommen. Die Defizite sind in Polen stärker ausgeprägt und können so die niedrigere Wahlbeteiligung erklären. Darüber hinaus kann resümiert werden, dass die Nutzenseite der Europawahl in Polen einen stärkeren Einfluss auf die Beteiligung ausübt als in Deutschland.

La partecipazione popolare nell'esperienza dei referendum comunali

I Comuni incarnano idealmente delle piazze in cui il dibattito politico può svilupparsi in assenza di particolari filtri ed intermediazioni, con un rapporto diretto tra cittadini ed istituzioni. Essi costituiscono uno snodo di centrale importanza nell'esercizio della sovranità popolare e, al contempo, sono terreno fertile per la sperimentazione di modelli di partecipazione democratica. Prendendo come punto di vista l'esperienza dei Comuni italiani, si è scelto di focalizzare l'attenzione su uno degli strumenti “istituzionali” – nonché uno tra i più tradizionali – di partecipazione popolare, ovvero il referendum, nelle diverse forme ed accezioni che rientrano nel campo semantico di tale espressione. Questa è generalmente impiegata per indicare tutte quelle votazioni popolari non elettive su questioni politicamente rilevanti, formulate attraverso un quesito con due o più risposte alternative tra loro. L'analisi della disciplina legislativa degli istituti di partecipazione negli enti locali e lo studio delle disposizioni statutarie e regolamentari previste dai singoli Comuni, nonché le informazioni raccolte da alcuni casi di studio, rappresentano, in questo contesto, l'occasione per indagare le caratteristiche peculiari dell'istituto referendario, la sua effettività ed il suo impatto sulla forma di governo. In particolare, si è verificata positivamente la compatibilità del referendum, classificato dalla prevalente dottrina come istituto di democrazia diretta, con le forme attuali di democrazia rappresentativa. Si è tentato, altresì, un accostamento ai concetti di democrazia partecipativa e deliberativa, evidenziando come manchi del tutto, nel procedimento referendario (che pure è dotato di massima inclusività) un momento di confronto “deliberativo”. Il raffronto tra le esperienze riscontrate nei diversi Comuni ha consentito, inoltre, di ricercare le cause di alcuni aspetti critici (scarsa affluenza, mancata trasformazione del voto in decisioni politiche, aumento del conflitto) e, al contempo, di individuarne possibili soluzioni, tracciate sulla scorta delle migliori pratiche rilevate.

Law, Informal Institutions and Trust: an Experimental Perspective

This dissertation has studied how legal and non-legal mechanisms affect the levels of trust and trustworthiness in an economy, and whether and when subtle psychological factors are crucial for establishing trust and even for recovering trust from a breach of contract. The first Chapter has addressed the question of whether formal legal enforcement crowds out or crowds in the amount of trust in a society. We find that formal legal mechanisms, especially formal contracts backed by a powerful authority, normally undermine trust except when they are perceived as legitimate, or when there are no strong social norms of fairness (i.e. the population in a society is considerably heterogeneous), or when the environment in which repeated commercial relationships take place becomes highly uncertain. The second Chapter has examined whether the endogenous adoption of a collective punishment institution can help a society coordinate on an efficient outcome, characterized by high levels of trust and trustworthiness. The experimental results show that the endogenous introduction of collective punishment by means of a majority-voting rule does not significantly improve coordination on the efficient equilibrium. Not all subjects seem to be able to anticipate the change in behavior induced by the introduction of the mechanism, and a majority of them vote against it. The third Chapter has explored whether high-trustors adapt their behavior in response to others’ trustworthiness or untrustworthiness more quickly, which in turn supports them to maintain higher default expectations of others’ trustworthiness relative to low-trustors. Our experimental results reveal that high-trustors are better than low-trustors at predicting others’ trustworthiness because they are less susceptible to the anticipated aversive emotions aroused by the potential betrayal and thereby have a higher willingness to acquire the valuable information about their partner’s actions.

The Supreme Court Confirmation Process and Its Implications

In recent history, there has been a trend of increasing partisan polarization throughout most of the American political system. Some of the impacts of this polarization are obvious; however, there is reason to believe that we miss some of the indirect effects of polarization. Accompanying the trend of increased polarization has been an increase in the contentiousness of the Supreme Court confirmation process. I believe that these two trends are related. Furthermore, I argue that these trends have an impact on judicial behavior. This is an issue worth exploring, since the Supreme Court is the most isolated branch of the federal government. The Constitution structured the Supreme Court to ensure that it was as isolated as possible from short-term political pressures and interests. This study attempts to show how it may be possible that those goals are no longer being fully achieved. My first hypothesis in this study is that increases in partisan polarization are a direct cause of the increase in the level of contention during the confirmation process. I then hypothesize that the more contention a justice faces during his or her confirmation process, the more ideologically extreme that justice will then vote on the bench. This means that a nominee appointed by a Republican president will tend to vote even more conservatively than was anticipated following a contentious confirmation process, and vice versa for Democratic appointees. In order to test these hypotheses, I developed a data set for every Supreme Court nominee dating back to President Franklin D. Roosevelt¿s appointments (1937). With this data set, I ran a series of regression models to analyze these relationships. Statistically speaking, the results support my first hypothesis in a fairly robust manner. My regression results for my second hypothesis indicate that the trend I am looking for is present for Republican nominees. For Democratic nominees, the impacts are less robust. Nonetheless, as the results will show, contention during the confirmation process does seem to have some impact on judicial behavior. Following my quantitative analysis, I analyze a series of case studies. These case studies serve to provide tangible examples of these statistical trends as well as to explore what else may be going on during the confirmation process and subsequent judicial decision-making. I use Justices Stevens, Rehnquist, and Alito as the subjects for these case studies. These cases will show that the trends described above do seem to be identifiable at the level of an individual case. These studies further help to indicate other potential impacts on judicial behavior. For example, following Justice Rehnquist¿s move from Associate to Chief Justice, we see a marked change in his behavior. Overall, this study serves as a means of analyzing some of the more indirect impacts of partisan polarization in modern politics. Further, the study offers a means of exploring some of the possible constraints (both conscious and subconscious) that Supreme Court justices may feel while they decide how to cast a vote in a particular case. Given the wide-reaching implications of Supreme Court decisions, it is important to try to grasp a full view of how these decisions are made.