967 resultados para Politicians elites


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O texto apresenta os traços da cultura caipira, enfatizando a importância das consequências do comércio bovino para a sua circularidade pelos espaços urbanos do Centro Sul brasileiro. Além disso, propõe reflexões sobre as maneiras pelas quais as elites trataram as expressões desta cultura em dois momentos distintos: fins do século XIX e a onda nacionalista vigente após o governo de Getúlio Vargas, em 1930. Para tanto, parte da experiência histórica registrada em Barretos, cidade do interior paulista.

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On November 26 th, 2005, Rhea, one of Saturn's moons, is found by Cassini spacecraft approximately at 5.105 km from Saturn. Observations in situ reveal that electrons are depleted in the moon's vicinity. However, Rhea is considered massive enough to retain a thin atmosphere. Assumption was that the atmosphere of Rhea was not composed exclusively of gas, its likely contains solid material that can absorb magnetospheric particles. According to Jones et al. (2008), these particles were in a speci c position so that at the moment of observation the electrons could not be detected. In opposition to this idea there is a group, Tiscareno et al. 2010, Cornell University Library, that underwent intensive search for any material that might be orbiting Rhea using Cassini images, however the could not identify any. Second recommendation made by American researchers and other countries, and accepted by the National Board of Research the Cassini Equinox Mission will continue in orbit around Saturn until 2016.The probe will perform several maneuvers with high inclination to delve into the main ring system, and then enter in Saturn's atmosphere and collide with planet. This research is of great importance because until today no rings were found orbiting satellites. The goal of this work is to analyze the orbital evolution of a set of particles around Rhea disturbance of Saturn, J2 e J4 and check results by the numerical simulations and the possibility of a stable ring orbiting Rhea.

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Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

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This paper analyzes the opinions of legislators members of parliamentaries elites of Legislative Assemblies of the States of São Paulo, Paraná and Santa Catarina on democracy. The opinions of legislators paulistas were collected using a questionnaire selfadministered and structured, while the opinions of legislators paranaenses and catarinenses were collected with the surveys “As elites administrativas, parlamentares e partidárias do Paraná, 1995-2006” and “Elites políticas e a democracia: os valores políticos dos parlamentares catarinenses da 16º Legislatura, 2007”. The results were: i) democracy is stable, ii) it is superior to any other type of regime, iii) is supported by some social policies and the use of voting and iv) democracy has support of various ideological currents.

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In this paper we describe the main causes of the recent financial crisis as a result of many theoretical, methodological, and practical shortcomings mostly according to heterodox, but also including some important orthodox economists. At theoretical level, there are problems concerning teaching and using economic models with overly unrealistic assumptions. In the methodological front, we find the unsuspected shadow of Milton Friedman’s ‘unrealisticism of assumptions’ thesis lurking behind the construction of this kind of models and the widespread neglect of methodological issues. Of course, the most evident shortcomings are at the practical level: (i) huge interests of the participants in the financial markets (banks, central bankers, regulators, rating agencies mortgage brokers, politicians, governments, executives, economists, etc. mainly in the US, Canada and Europe, but also in Japan and the rest of the world), (ii) in an almost completely free financial and economic market, that is, one (almost) without any regulation or supervision, (iii) decision-taking upon some not well regarded qualities, like irresponsibility, ignorance, and inertia; and (iv) difficulties to understand the current crisis as well as some biases directing economic rescues by governments. Following many others, we propose that we take this episode as an opportunity to reflect on, and hopefully redirect, economic theory and practice.

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Using the method of Social Networks Analysis, we’ll try to see if politicians swap votes between them seeking support for their projects, to this end, we’ll first map the behavior, activities and contacts of the Senators of the Brazilian Federative Republic within all the fixed committees which had some vote during the 52nd Legislature, then we can see the most popular and central Senators to each committee. After this analysis we wish to answer the following question: did logrolling exist in the Brazilian Senate? Previously the empirical analysis and response to the problems posed, we’ll present the necessary theoretical introduction understood by reviewing the literature on relevant subjects, whether they are purely theoretical with respect to the exchange of support, or analytical about the Brazilian political system.

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The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. For example, the popular mobilization in the two presented cases after occurred a long period of not attendance of social demands socials. In the same way, the processes of democratic renewal of both are related with historical landmarks “end of the Cold War” and the dismantlement of the Walfare State that introduced new rationalists in the relation between governing and governed dynamic, over all in the coinage and offer of public politics. How much to the dismantlement of the Welfare State, we present, still, that in the case of Spain it provoked consequences in the modus operandi of the formularization process and implementation of public politics. It occurred, in other words, a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process. We identify that in both the cases, kept the had ratios, the instauration of a critical scene of suppression/absence of formulated public politics from an interface with the social movements were the propeller spring of the transformations in the power to decide mechanisms of formularization and implementation of public politics.

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The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. For example, the popular mobilization in the two presented cases after occurred a long period of not attendance of social demands socials. In the same way, the processes of democratic renewal of both are related with historical landmarks “end of the cold war” and the dismantlement of the State of well-being that introduced new rationalists in the relation between governing and governed dynamic, over all in the coinage and offer of public politics. How much to the dismantlement of the State of social welfare, we present, still, that in the case of Spain occurred a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process. We identify that in both the cases, kept the had ratios, the instauration of a critical scene of suppression/absence of formulated public politics from an interface with the social movements were the propeller spring of the transformations in the power to decide mechanisms of formularization and implementation of public politics.

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The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. How much to the dismantlement of the State of social welfare, we present, still, that in the case of Spain occurred a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process.

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This paper analyzes patterns of political mobility of a specific social stratum - immigrants and their descendants - in the western region of São Paulo, where coffee economy prevailed since the last quarter of the XIXth century. We investigate the main agents of local politics in seven cities: from the traditional oligarchic regime characteristic of the Old Republic to the processes of political transformation in the thirties that resulted in the post-war re-democratization, when a recomposition of local political elites takes place.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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Among the popular poets from the northeastern backlands who criticized the governmental measures of the republican government, the figure of Leandro Gomes de Barros has highlighted. His satire extends to the representatives of the government in the context of the First Republic, striking politicians, bachelors, priests, colonels and oligarchs. We show here the biographical traces of the poet and a stretch from my Doctoral Thesis in which Leandro satirizes the bourgeois-militarist speech from Olavo Bilac.

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Gender relationships focusing on homages to the women of Assis (a town in the center-western region of the state of São Paulo, Brazil) between 1959 and 1994, are discussed. Homages, expressed in monuments, street names, city squares, schools, libraries, Cultural Centers and other places, are based on the activities of women who benefitted the community. They feature lawyers, politicians, journalists, teachers and common citizens that exceeded their personal limitations and conquered a place acknowledged by society (politically invested) so that their names may be inscribed in the city´s public places. However, acknowledgement of female contributions in the construction of the city is not projected at the same pace or speed as that of males who compose the gallery of ‘remembered men’. This fact brings forth the following questions: If the naming of public places were for decades based on gender, what had changed by the end of the 1950s for such a redefinition? What is the true meaning of such homages? Who are these women and what do they represent?