939 resultados para Liberal nationalism
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The Letreiro do Quinto rock shelter is located in the rural area of the city of Pedro II, Piauí, Brazil. The sandstone walls of the shelter are covered with prehistoric rupestrian paintings, painted in patterns of yellow and light and dark red hues. The chemical-mineralogical characterization of the prehistoric pigments was made with energy dispersive spectroscopy, scanning electron microscopy, energy dispersive X-ray fluorescence and 57Fe transmission Mössbauer spectroscopy at 110 K. Results confirm the occurrence of hematite- and goethite-rich ochres and also that the pigment layers are indeed made of a mixture of clay minerals mixed with iron oxides.
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Artikkelissa arvioidaan kolmea yliopistomallia: humboldtilaista, liberal education -mallia ja multidiversity -mallia.
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El presente trabajo desarrolla distintas figuras que Carl Schmitt señala como formas de subjetividad antipolítica. Si desde la perspectiva del jurista alemán las operaciones que constituyen un modo de ser político son aquellas que producen o sostienen una forma representativa, lo propio de una subjetividad antipolítica son aquellas operaciones que erosionan o conducen a la destrucción de dicha forma política. El trabajo intenta mostrar que la operación fundamental en este sentido es la dilación, entendida como la postergación indefinida de la decisión. Así, bajo las diversas figuras de la antipolítica que Schmitt aborda, esta operación también adquiere diversas formas de aparición: en el caso de la subjetividad liberal se da bajo la forma de la discusión y el compromiso, en el caso del romántico político bajo la forma de la poetización.
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Este artigo discute as relações existentes entre direito e ética na filosofia política kantiana e, ao contrário da interpretação dominante, procura mostrar que a boa vontade precisa estar presente para que a política possa alcançar plenamente seus objetivos. Nesse sentido, defende-se aqui duas teses: primeira, que não há uma ruptura das teses políticas da década de oitenta com as teses políticas da década de noventa no sentido de um abandono da necessidade de uma boa vontade no campo da política, a qual é condição necessária para a realização de uma constituição republicana; segunda, contra uma interpretação exclusivamente liberal, defende-se que isso implica que o republicanismo kantiano permite que o Estado assuma medidas institucionais para um esclarecimento moral de seus cidadãos.
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Abstract In this paper I challenge the widespread assumption that the conditions for singular reference are more or less the same as the conditions for singular thought. I claim that we refer singularly to things without thinking singularly about them more often than it is usually believed. I first argue that we should take the idea that singular thought is non-descriptive thought very seriously. If we do that, it seems that we cannot be so liberal about what counts as acquaintance; only perception (and memory) will do. I also briefly discuss and reject semantic instrumentalism. Finally, I argue that while singular reference is cheap, singular thought comes only at a price.
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Kirjallisuusarvostelu
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In my doctoral thesis I evaluate strategies designed to cope with the multicultural nature of four European nations: Great Britain, The Netherlands, Sweden, and Denmark. I also analyse and clarify the question of the place of religion in present-day Europe. The empirical material analysed in the study consists of politicians’ statements and policy documents dealing with immigration policy and religious and values education in the four countries. In addition, I analyse statements issued by the Council of Europe regarding religious education, along with all cases relevant to religious education brought before the United Nations Human Rights Committee or the European Court of Human Rights. The theoretical framework is formed by the scholarly debate – among philosophers, sociologists and scholars of religion in education – concerning the question of a just society. Special emphasis is given to philosophical theories that are in favour of granting special group rights to religious minorities in the name of equal treatment. With regard to the question of the appropriate place of religion, I apply Kim Knott’s methodological model for locating religion in secular contexts, and Émile Durkheim’s theory as to the significance of religion and collective sentiments in uniting adherents or members of a group into a single moral community. The study shows that even when the positive side of immigration, as a potential force for the enrichment of the public culture, is acknowledged, there is anxiety as to the successful integration of immigrants. The premises and goals of immigration policies have also been questioned. One central problem is the incommensurability between the values upheld by Western liberal democracies and certain religious traditions, above all those of Islam. Great Britain, The Netherlands, Sweden, and Denmark have tightened control over their citizens’ ethical attitudes and want to regulate these as well. In coping with cultural diversity, the significance of education, especially religious education, plays a significant role; as future citizens, pupils are expected to internalise the society’s core values as well as gaining an understanding of different cultures and ways of life. It is also worth noting that both the Council of Europe and the European Court of Human Rights have recently expressed the view that one important goal of religious education is to enable pupils to be critical and autonomous with regard to different religions and moral positions. The study shows that religion is not seen as purely a personal matter. Religion is closely linked to individual and national identity, and religious traditions thus have a place in the public domain. It should be noted, however, that a religious tradition – more precisely, an interpretation of religious tradition – qualifies as a legitimate partner in the democratic decision-making process only if it shares similar values with Western European nations.
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Kirjallisuusarvostelu
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Kirjallisuusarvostelu
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Kirja-arvio
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Jag har studerat varför en grupp bönder i Svenskösterbotten valde att sympatisera med Lapporörelsen sommaren 1930. Tidigare forskning har främst fokuserat på antikommunismen som den huvudsakliga orsaken till att folk valde att ta ställning för Lapporörelsen. Jag har dock sökt kompletterande förklaringar utöver antikommunismen till att svenskösterbottniska bönder visade sympatier för Lapporörelsen genom att delta i bondetåget och förorda så kallade fosterländska valförbund inför riksdagsvalet 1930. Hela Svenskösterbotten utgör den region som studeras, men i studien gör jag mikrohistoriska djupdykningar i kommunerna Närpes och Korsholm för att belysa vilka lokala faktorer som inverkade på en persons inställning till Lapporörelsen. Kommunismen hade få anhängare på den svenskösterbottniska landsbygden där över 90 procent av väljarna röstade på Svenska Folkpartiet (SFP). Eftersom det saknades en organiserad arbetarrörelse blev ett ställningstagande för Lapporörelsen istället en konservativ reaktion mot andra nya religiösa och politiska organisationer som uppfattades som oppositionella och som i avsaknad av kommunister fick symbolisera omoralen i samhället. Sådana rörelser var Fredsrörelsen och frikyrkorna och på orter där dessa fanns var ett ställningstagande för Lapporörelsen till en del en konservativ reaktion mot dessa. Den lappovänliga front som uppstod i Svenskösterbotten skapades bland bönderna inom Bondeförbundet, som var en konservativ högerfraktion inom SFP. Det främsta motståndet mot Lapporörelsen fanns inom Allmogeförbundet, som var en liberal vänsterfraktion inom SFP. Den viktigaste frågan för Bondeförbundet var kravet på höga importtullar på spannmål. Inom Bondeförbundet fanns en befogad oro för att spannmålsodling var olönsam i Finland på grund av billig importsäd. I min studie visar jag att ett fosterländskt valförbund skulle ha bidragit till att mera högerinriktade kandidaterna inom de borgerliga partierna som var för Lapporörelsen och för en protektionistisk jordbrukspolitik skulle ha blivit invalda i riksdagen. Det fanns således även agrarpolitiska motiv bakom Bondeförbundets ställningstagande för Lapporörelsen.
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The thesis is the first comprehensive study on Finnish public painting, public artworks generally referred to as murals or monumental paintings. It focuses on the processes of production of public paintings during the post-WWII decades in Finland and the complex relationships between the political sphere and the production of art. The research studies the networks of agents involved in the production of public paintings. Besides the human agents—artists, assistants, commissioners and viewers—also public paintings were and are agents in the processes of production and in their environments. The research questions can be grouped into three overlapping series of questions: First, the research investigates the production public paintings: What kinds of public paintings were realised in postwar Finland—how, where, by whom and for what purposes? Second, it discusses the publicness of these paintings: How were public paintings defined, and what aspects characterised them as “public”? What was their relation to public space, public authorities, and audience? And third, it explores the politics of public paintings: the relationship between Finnish public painting, nationalism, and the memory of war. To answer these questions, extensive archival work has been performed, and over 200 public paintings have been documented around Finland. The research material has been studied in a sociological framework and in the context of the political and economic history of Finland, employing critical theories on public space and public art as well as theories on the building of nationalism, commemoration, memory, and forgetting. An important aim of this research was to open up a new field of study and position public painting within Finnish art history, from which it has been conspicuous by its absence. The research indicates that public painting was a significant genre of art in postwar Finland. The process of creating a national genre of public painting participated in the defining of municipal and state art politics in the country, and paintings functioned as vehicles of carrying out the agenda of the commissioning bodies. In the formation of municipal art policies in Finland in the 1950s, public painting connected to the same tendency of democratising art as the founding of public art museums. Public painting commissions also functioned as an arena of competition and a means of support for the artists. Public paintings were judged and commissioned within the realm of political decision-making, and they suggested the values of the decision-making groups, generally conveyed as the values of the society. The participation of official agents in the production allocated a position of official art to the genre. Through the material of this research, postwar public painting is seen as an agent in a society searching for a new identity. The postwar public painting production participated in the creation of the Finnish welfare society as indications of a humane society. It continued a tradition of public art production that had been built on nationalist and art educational ideologies in the late 19th and early 20th century. Postwar public paintings promoted the new national narrative of unification by creating an image of a homogeneous society with a harmonious communal life. The paintings laid out an image of Finnishness that was modern but rooted in the agrarian past, of a society that was based on hard work and provided for its members a good life. Postwar public painting was art with a mission, and it created an image of a society with a mission.
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More than ever, education organisations are experiencing the need to develop new services and processes to satisfy expanding and changing customer needs and to adapt to the environmental changes and continually tightening economic situation. Innovation has been found in many studies to have a crucial role in the success of an organisation, both in the private and public sectors, in formal education and in manufacturing and services alike. However, studies concerning innovation in non-formal adult education organisations, such as adult education centres (AECs) in Finland, are still lacking. This study investigates innovation in the non-formal adult education organisation context from the perspective of organisational culture types and social networks. The objective is to determine the significant characteristics of an innovative non-formal adult education organisation. The analysis is based on data from interviews with the principals and fulltime staff of four case AECs. Before the case study, a pre-study phase is accomplished in order to obtain a preliminary understanding of innovation at AECs. The research found strong support for the need of innovation in AECs. Innovation is basically needed to accomplish the AEC system’s primary mission mentioned in the ACT on Liberal Adult Education. In addition, innovation is regarded vital to institutes and may prevent their decline. It helps the institutes to be more attractive, to enter new market, to increase customer satisfaction and to be on the cutting edge. Innovation is also seen as a solution to the shortage of resources. Innovative AECs search actively for additional resources for development work through project funding and subsidies, cooperation networks and creating a conversational and joyful atmosphere in the institute. The findings also suggest that the culture type that supports innovation at AECs is multidimensional, with an emphasis on the clan and adhocratic culture types and such values as: dynamism, future orientation, acquiring new resources, mistake tolerance, openness, flexibility, customer orientation, a risk-taking attitude, and community spirit. Active and creative internal and external cooperation also promote innovation at AECs. This study also suggests that the behaviour of a principal is crucial. The way he or she shows appreciation the staff, encouragement and support to the staff and his or her approachability and concrete participation in innovation activities have a strong effect on innovation attitudes and activities in AECs.
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Since the end of Cold War rivalries, the world of international hockey was deemed to becoming increasingly homogenized along western sportization patterns. The introduction of the Russian-sponsored Kontinental Hockey League (KHL) signified a new era in the global diffusion of modern sports. Its recent expansion in the post-Soviet space and European countries significantly reshuffled the landscape of international hockey, offering new prospects for the studies of the intersection of sports, history, geopolitics and nationalism in the age of globalization. The aim of this study is to conceptualize the KHL and illuminate the role of ice hockey in post-Soviet Latvia. I treat the creation of the KHL and the integration of a Latvian-based team, “Dinamo Riga,” into the KHL within the broader discussion on the globalization of sports and its effects on national communities. The research is based on a case study of the modern rebirth of “Dinamo Riga” and its participation in the KHL and is confined to the scholarly themes in sports research, such as the history of modern sports and globalization, sports and nationalism. The study pays special attention to unveiling the geopolitical links between the restart of Latvian-Russian relations after the EU’s eastern enlargement and the re-emerging Latvian-Russian contacts in ice hockey. The research concludes that with the creation of the KHL, European hockey received a new charismatic “zone of prestige” for sports interaction. The project of “Dinamo Riga” became the new global phenomenon in Latvian sports in terms of its capabilities to transcend the post-Soviet geopolitical stereotypes in relation to Russia and serve as a new national symbol in the promotion and celebration of Latvian sporting nationalism. Further sociological research would require the clarification of the impact of Latvian-Russian cooperation in hockey on the bilateral relations of both countries and the formation of a national community in Latvia.
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The practice of social entrepreneurship already exists for a long time but the concept is quite new and has more recently raised a growing interest among academics. However, the majority of researches and considerations about the subject have taken a strong positive concern by omitting some sort of a critical reflection. The idea of this study is to consider the gap between the very optimistic and the more precautious concerns about social entrepreneurship. It means presenting the advantages and downsides connected to the topic in the business, public and third sector. The aim is to help the reader building his/her own belief on social entrepreneurship by considering the positive and negative sides of social entrepreneurship. Hence, the research is intended to take a critical step and aims to answer to the following research questions: Shall we believe in social entrepreneurship? What are the reasons for believing or not in social entrepreneurship taking into account the advantages and possible risks of it in the business, public, and third sector? The theoretical framework consists of the comparison between the promising and precautious sides about social entrepreneurship for private, public and non-governmental organizations including the actors or participants inside these sectors. The empirical part is conducted using a qualitative method. Personal interviews of experts in the fields of business, public and third sectors were handled. The purpose of this approach is to compare the critics in theory with the experience of persons dealing with social entrepreneurship. The results from the interviews revealed that in general, reasons for believing in social entrepreneurship prevail over critics about the subject. Social entrepreneurship may not yet represent a full performing business. Concerns for weakening the public power and putting aside the interests of communities in need may exist too. Furthermore, naïve and extra liberal ways of thinking or doing can lead to practices going in opposition with initial social objectives. Nevertheless, problems about social entrepreneurship would be mainly due to the young age of the movement. Time and experience would give better foundations and results to social entrepreneurs. Critics about social entrepreneurship could also easily be done to any sorts of business. Overall, the positive considerations of social entrepreneurship with skillful, motivated and responsible actors could represent some useful tools for enterprises, governments and charities. Some tools among many other possibilities to help people in need.