Mapping the awareness of inequalities in health programs in Spanish communities: moving forward together

The aim of this study is to map the awareness of gender, socioeconomic, immigrant and ethnic health inequalities in health at schools, maternal health and traffic injury health prevention programs. The study was conducted in the 19 health descentralized areas in Spain, 17 autonomous community (ACs) and the 2 autonomous cities (ACities). The data were collected from May 2008 to January 2009. The unit of analysis was the collection of policy documents setting out the programs mentioned above and the related support material in each AC. A reading guide was used to analyze the awareness of inequalities. With regard to health at schools, 2 of 10 programs show a high awareness of inequalities and include many specific proposals to be implemented at the local level. Regarding maternal health, 13 ACs have prepared support material with high awareness of inequalities to be implemented. A traffic injury program has been created in two ACs. We map the whole situation in Spain regarding the health programs that we have used as examples and their awareness of inequalities. We can conclude that there are differences between the regions studied in Spain and in general, the awareness of inequalities is low.

Modelling adaptive web applications

Conceptual Modelling approaches for the web need extensions to specify dynamic personalization properties in order to design more powerful web applications. Current approaches provide techniques to support dynamic personalization, usually focused on implementation details. This article presents an extension of the OO-H conceptual modeling approach to address the particulars associated with the design and specification of dynamic personalization. The main benefit is that this specification can be modified without recompile the rest of the application modules. We describe how conventional navigation and presentation diagrams are influenced by personalization properties. In order to model the variable part of the interface logic OO-H has a personalization architecture that leans on a rule engine. Rules are defined based on a User Model and a Reference Model.

Computational cost of GNG3D algorithm for mesh simplification

In this paper we present a study of the computational cost of the GNG3D algorithm for mesh optimization. This algorithm has been implemented taking as a basis a new method which is based on neural networks and consists on two differentiated phases: an optimization phase and a reconstruction phase. The optimization phase is developed applying an optimization algorithm based on the Growing Neural Gas model, which constitutes an unsupervised incremental clustering algorithm. The primary goal of this phase is to obtain a simplified set of vertices representing the best approximation of the original 3D object. In the reconstruction phase we use the information provided by the optimization algorithm to reconstruct the faces thus obtaining the optimized mesh. The computational cost of both phases is calculated, showing some examples.

Aspectos de la poliédrica influencia de los clásicos: nuevas imágenes clave de la influencia de san Vicente Ferrer en Italia

Este artículo analiza la función de la figura de san Vicente Ferrer en la política de afianzamiento y expansión de la Corona de Aragón en la Italia de mediados del siglo XV y hasta el siglo XVIII. San Vicente Ferrer, clásico innegable de la cultura de la Corona de Aragón, ejerció una extraordinaria influencia en el pensamiento, la predicación y la ortodoxia católicas, así como también, en el tablero de ajedrez de la alta política de fines del siglo XIV y principios del XV. Su influencia fue prácticamente ubicua y omnímoda: predicaba a las masas de casi toda Europa occidental, enfervorizadas por sus dotes oratorias y su dominio de las artes de la predicación, al mismo tiempo que ejercía de consejero de máxima confianza de papas, reyes y gobernantes, escribía densos tratados de teología y filosofía moral, y obraba milagros (más de 900 registrados en su Causa de Canonización). Caló muy hondo, también después de su muerte y durante siglos, en toda Italia, que era el gran escenario de la política y de la cultura humanística y del Renacimiento. Ello se aprovechó por parte de la Corona de Aragón para su expansión en Italia, desde la conquista de Nápoles por Alfonso el Magnánimo. Todo ello se analiza en este estudio a partir de obras de arte (capillas, cuadros, retablos, frescos y mosaicos), nunca tenidas en cuenta en este sentido, pero que, como queda demostrado, son muestra y prueba de esa influencia tanto religiosa como también política de la “figura” de este santo valenciano. Se trata en definitiva del análisis de la poliédrica función de los clásicos.

Subjectivació i interferència en l'evolució semàntica i en l'inici de la gramaticalització de "jaquir" (segles XI-XII)

Estudiem en aquest article els primers passos en l'evolució semàntica i en la gramaticalització del verb "jaquir". Aquest germanisme pertany a un estrat lèxic del català que va començar a fer-se menys usual a la darreria del segle XV, desplaçat per altres sinònims, en aquest cas lleixar-deixar. La recerca es fonamenta en un corpus de documentació en llatí i en català dels segles XI i XII. L'objectiu és descriure la gènesi dels significats que ja apareixen ben establits durant el període literari. Seguim un enfocament metodològic d'orientació cognitivista (estudi de la subjectivació i de la inferència com a mecanismes del canvi semàntic).

List of books donated by the Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts, added to catalog on Nov. 24, 1766

The document indicates that these books had been "presented" but "not consumed" at an earlier date; presumably this means that they were received at an earlier date but not formally accessioned into the library collection. Endorsed title is "Episcopal Society's present," which implies that the Episcopal Society and the Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts are the same organization.

Economic Partnership Agreements in the EU's post-Lome trade regime: negotiations with West Africa. ZEI Discussion Paper C214, 2012

Trade is a key element of the development policy of the European Union (EU). As the most important trading partner of developing countries, the EU attempts to facilitate the participation of developing countries in global trade and contribute to economic growth through providing market access and financial assistance. For twenty-five years, the commitment of the EU was largely focused on its former colonies, more specifically in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP). The developing world, in terms of the EU’s trade policy, was therefore divided between ACP states with special provisions under the Lomé Conventions and all other developing countries. With the new millennium, this special relationship came to an end. Pressure from several member states1 and the World Trade Organization (WTO) led to an overhaul of the EU’s trade regime vis-à-vis developing countries and to the loss of the privileged position of ACP countries. The result of this overhaul is still pending. Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) – to be negotiated between the EU and several ACP regions – have only been realized in the Caribbean. This article will to examine the negotiations between the EU and West Africa and discuss the interests involved on the African side. Following the introduction, the second part of this article is dedicated to the Lomé Conventions with a focus on the change occurring from the third to the fourth revision in order to understand the current situation. The third part is going to take a look at the Cotonou agreement and the trade regime of the EU in general before turning to the negotiations for an Economic Partnership Agreement between the EU and West Africa. The conclusion summarizes the main findings.

British Balance of Competence Reviews, Part I: ‘Competences about right, so far’. EPIN Working Paper No. 35, October 2013

The first in a series for a CEPS-EPIN project entitled “The British Question and the Search for a Fresh European Narrative” this paper is pegged on an ambitious ongoing exercise by the British government to review all the competences of the European Union. The intention is that this should provide a basis for informed debate before the referendum on the UK remaining in the EU or not, which is scheduled for 2017. This paper summarises the first six reviews, each of which runs to around 80 pages, covering foreign policy, development policy, taxation, the single market, food safety, and public health. The present authors then add their own assessments of these materials. While understandably giving due place to British interests, they are of general European relevance. The substantive conclusions of this first set of reviews are that the competences of the EU are judged by respondents to be ‘about right’ on the whole, which came as a surprise to eurosceptic MPs and the tabloid media. Our own view is that the reviews are objective and impressively researched, and these populist complaints are illustrating the huge gap between the views of informed stakeholders and general public opinion, and therefore also the hazard of subjecting the ‘in or out’ choice for decision by referendum. If the referendum is to endorse the UK’s continuing membership there will have to emerge some fresh popular narratives about the EU. The paper therefore concludes with some thoughts along these lines, both for the UK and the EU as a whole.

Between Irrelevance and Integration? New Challenges to Diplomacy in the 21st Century and the Role of the EEAS. EU Diplomacy Paper No. 8, November 2014

The changing nature of diplomacy poses new challenges for diplomatic actors in the 21st century, who have to adapt their structures in order to remain relevant on the international stage. The growing interdependence and complexity of issues necessitate a more networked approach to diplomacy, while states retain their predominance in diplomacy. The main underlying challenge of modern diplomacy therefore requires finding a balance between traditional and new elements. This paper examines to what extent the European External Action Service (EEAS) meets the new challenges of modern diplomacy and copes with the diverse interests of the other stakeholders involved, namely the institutions and Member States of the European Union (EU). On the basis of a conceptual framework of modern diplomacy and an analysis of the different aspects of the EEAS’ structures, the paper argues that the EEAS does not fully meet the new challenges to diplomacy, since the interests of the other stakeholders put constraints on its free development. The latter therefore have to choose between irrelevance and integration with regard to EU foreign policy and the future of the EEAS.

The economic and financial crisis in Russia – background, symptoms and prospects for the future. OSW Report 02/2015

The crisis in Russia’s financial market, which started in mid-December 2014, has exposed the real scale of the economic problems that have been growing in Russia for several years. Over the course of the last year, Russia’s basic macroeconomic indicators deteriorated considerably, the confidence of its citizens in the state and in institutions in charge of economic stability declined, the government and business elites became increasingly dissatisfied with the policy direction adopted by the Kremlin, and fighting started over the shrinking resources. According to forecasts obtained from both governmental and expert communities, Russia will fall into recession in 2015. The present situation is the result of the simultaneous occurrence of three unfavourable trends: the fact that the Russian economy’s resource-based development model has reached the limits of its potential due to structural weaknesses, the dramatic decline in oil prices in the second half of 2014, and the impact of Western economic sanctions. Given the inefficiency of existing systemic mechanisms, in the coming years the Russian leadership will likely resort to ad hoc solutions such as switching to a more interventionist “manual override” mode in governing the state. In the short term, this will allow them to neutralise the most urgent problems, although an effective development policy will be impossible without a fundamental change of the political and economic system in Russia.

European Union Leadership and Enlargement in 2014. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 14, July 2014

On July 15, 2014 the European Parliament confirmed the new European Commission President. An absolute majority was needed for this purpose, and the 422 votes “For” cleared the 376-vote threshold in the legislative body of 751 members. A Grand Coalition has been formed among the three largest political parties: the European People’s Party (EPP), the Progressive Alliances of Socialists Democrats (S&D), and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE). Considering policy decisions going forward, the European Union (EU) faces the pressing question: Will there be more, less, or similar power from the EU? There are a greater number voices from across the political spectrum contributing to the democratic plurality. European leaders may regain trust by acknowledging that future governance will not be “business as usual” as the reform agenda gets underway. 2014 has been an exciting and important year in European politics. “This time is different” was the motto for the European Parliament’s election campaign. This essay analyzes recent EU political trends with the new Commission leadership and the Parliamentary elections results. The Parliamentary elections, held in late May, and the new European Commission, planned to be in place in the autumn, influence the leadership direction of the 28-member bloc. Additionally, this year on July 1 Croatia celebrated the first anniversary of joining the EU in 2013. Leading the way for candidate countries, Croatia embraces the democratic politics and capitalist market economics embodied by the EU. The greater number of seats held by newer political parties in the European Parliament demonstrates increasing plurality in the EU democracy. The Parliamentary elections have taken place every 5 years since 1979. In this eighth legislative session, the EPP and the S&D remain the largest parties represented, with 221 and 191 seats respectively. As the EU has evolved, a greater number of voices influence politics. The ongoing point of contention on a host of policies is national sovereignty in relation to pooled sovereignty in the EU. The European Parliament is important for democracy in EU governance since it is the direct link from the national citizens to their elected leaders at the supranational level. The representatives of the European Commission are appointed by the national governments of Member States, and their heads of government are the representatives to the European Council. These three political institutions – the European Parliament, the European Commission, and the European Council – together with other important institutions, including the European Court of Justice Luxembourg, form the EU. The new European Commission President is Jean-Claude Juncker, former Prime Minister and Minister of Finance of Luxembourg (1995-2013). After being nominated by the European Council on June 27, his candidacy was voted on by the European Parliament on July 15, according to the guidelines of the Lisbon Treaty. The leadership for the President of the European Commission has been an important issue, considering Britain’s deliberations on whether or not to stay in the EU in the face of a future national referendum. Voting on June 27, among the European Council on the nomination of Commission President-Designate Juncker, was 26 in favor and 2 opposed. Only Viktor Orbán, the prime minister of Hungary, joined David Cameron, the prime minister of the United Kingdom (UK), with a negative vote (Spiegel and Parker 2014). The UK had not been supportive, being concerned that Juncker embraces the policies of a federalist, prioritizing an ever-closer union above the interests of individual Member States. Historically, since joining the predecessor institution of the European Economic Community in 1973, the UK has had a relatively independent attitude about participation in the EU.

La Cuestión Prejudicial Comunitaria: Artículo 267 del Tratado de Funcionamiento de la Unión Europea = Prejudicial Community Question: Article 267 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 1 No. 1, February 2014

No abstract.

The History and Challenges of Cohesion Policies. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 2, February 2014

From Introduction. Regional economic disequilibria was viewed as both an obstacle to and result of integration (European Commission 1965; European Commission 1962; European Commission 1969). Even within the Treaty of Rome, the Community tried to establish mechanisms to alleviate regional inequality. However, it was not until 1975 that the main mechanism of regional policy was established as a result of British and Irish enlargement: the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). Since then, cohesion policy has become a significant EU expenditure accounting for €347bn, or 35.7% of the total EU budget for 2007-13(European Commission Regional Policy-Info Regio 2012). It has also become a key policy linked to enlargement. The underlying principle of cohesion policy assumes that the market alone cannot solve development problems and therefore government intervention is needed. This notion is in direct contrast to the underlying principle of EU competition policy, which asserts that the free market can solve economic development problems (Meadows, interview by author, 2003). The logic underlying cohesion policy is not only counter to EU competition policy, but also regulatory policies. Unlike other EU policies, cohesion policy is not a sectoral policy, but rather territorial in nature (Leonardi, 2006). Thus at times EU regulatory policy has also unintentionally worked counter to the goals of regional policy, sometimes disadvantaging poorer regions (Dudek, 2005). As the Community has sought to ameliorate regional disparities, it meant that all levels of government: local, regional, national and supranational would need to be involved, however, member states have different territorial governance and European regional development programs have to varying degrees impacted the relationship and policy responsibility of different levels of government (Leonardi, 2006; Bachtler and Michie 1993; Marks, 1993). The very nature of regional development policy has provoked a re-examination of subsidiarity, or which level of government is the lowest and most appropriate level. The discussion of policy formulation and implementation at the lowest level possible also addresses the issue of the democratic deficit. Some argue that the closer government is to the people the more responsive and representative it is. Democracy, however, also implies that public funds are used in a transparent way and for public rather than private good. Yet, as we examine the history and current situation of EU regional funds we find that corruption and misuse still abound. Thus, to understand the history of regional policy it is imperative to look at the major transformations of the policy, how regional policy has impacted subsidiarity and the quality of democracy, become an important instrument of enlargement and contradicted or conflicted with other EU policies.

The Portuguese National Programme for the Promotion of Healthy Eating: 2012–2015

This paper describes the first 4-year period (2012–2015) of implementation of the Portuguese National Programme for the Promotion of Healthy Eating (PNPAS). PNPAS was approved in 2012 and emerged as a preventive programme for noncommunicable diseases, aiming to improve the nutritional status of the population; it represents the first national strategy in Portugal for the promotion of healthy eating. To accomplish its mission, and taking into account its overall principles, PNPAS has five main goals: (i) to increase knowledge about the food intake of the Portuguese population and about its determinants and consequences; (ii) to modify the availability of certain foods (high in sugar, salt and fat), in schools, workplaces and public spaces; (iii) to inform and empower the population for the purchase, preparation and storage of healthy food, especially the most vulnerable groups; (iv) to identify and promote crosssectoral actions that encourage the consumption of foods of good nutritional quality in an articulate and integrated way with other sectors, namely agriculture, sport, environment, education, social security and local authorities; and (v) to improve the qualifications and conduct of the different professionals who, owing to their roles, may influence nutritional knowledge, attitudes and behaviours. The design of PNPAS followed the latest strategic lines suggested by WHO and the European Commission, proposing a crosssectoral mix of interventions to ensure physical and economic access to healthy eating by creating healthy environments and empowering individuals and communities. Several actions were implemented at different levels during the first 4-year period of implementation of PNPAS; two were especially relevant. The first concerned the empowerment of citizens regarding healthy eating, where the most important aspect was introduction of a digital strategy through development of a website and a blog dedicated to healthy eating. The second concerned the development of documents for health care and other professionals, including several guidelines in new areas, such as anthropometric measures and intervention in preobesity. Process and output indicators were defined to monitor and evaluate the programme. Among those considered as output indicators were the evaluation of childhood obesity, salt consumption and intake of breakfast by school-aged children.

The nations from a new point of view /

Mode of access: Internet.