811 resultados para socio-political


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One major reason for the global decline of biodiversity is habitat loss and fragmentation. Conservation areas can be designed to reduce biodiversity loss, but as resources are limited, conservation efforts need to be prioritized in order to achieve best possible outcomes. The field of systematic conservation planning developed as a response to opportunistic approaches to conservation that often resulted in biased representation of biological diversity. The last two decades have seen the development of increasingly sophisticated methods that account for information about biodiversity conservation goals (benefits), economical considerations (costs) and socio-political constraints. In this thesis I focus on two general topics related to systematic conservation planning. First, I address two aspects of the question about how biodiversity features should be valued. (i) I investigate the extremely important but often neglected issue of differential prioritization of species for conservation. Species prioritization can be based on various criteria, and is always goal-dependent, but can also be implemented in a scientifically more rigorous way than what is the usual practice. (ii) I introduce a novel framework for conservation prioritization, which is based on continuous benefit functions that convert increasing levels of biodiversity feature representation to increasing conservation value using the principle that more is better. Traditional target-based systematic conservation planning is a special case of this approach, in which a step function is used for the benefit function. We have further expanded the benefit function framework for area prioritization to address issues such as protected area size and habitat vulnerability. In the second part of the thesis I address the application of community level modelling strategies to conservation prioritization. One of the most serious issues in systematic conservation planning currently is not the deficiency of methodology for selection and design, but simply the lack of data. Community level modelling offers a surrogate strategy that makes conservation planning more feasible in data poor regions. We have reviewed the available community-level approaches to conservation planning. These range from simplistic classification techniques to sophisticated modelling and selection strategies. We have also developed a general and novel community level approach to conservation prioritization that significantly improves on methods that were available before. This thesis introduces further degrees of realism into conservation planning methodology. The benefit function -based conservation prioritization framework largely circumvents the problematic phase of target setting, and allowing for trade-offs between species representation provides a more flexible and hopefully more attractive approach to conservation practitioners. The community-level approach seems highly promising and should prove valuable for conservation planning especially in data poor regions. Future work should focus on integrating prioritization methods to deal with multiple aspects in combination influencing the prioritization process, and further testing and refining the community level strategies using real, large datasets.

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This study analyzes civic activity, citizenship and their gendered manifestations in contemporary Russia. It is based on a case study conducted in the city of Tver , located in the vicinity of Moscow, during 2001-2005. The data consists of interviews with civic activists and municipal and regional authorities; observations of civic organizations; and a quantitative survey conducted among local civic groups. The theoretical and methodological framework of the study draws upon a micro perspective on organization, discourse analysis, gender and citizenship theories and Pierre Bourdieu s theory of fields and capital. This study develops theoretical understanding of the characteristics and logic of civic organization in Russia. It shows that social class centrally structures the field of civic activity. Organizations can be seen as a vehicle of the educated class to advocate their interests, help themselves and seek both social and individual-level change. The study also argues that civic organizations founded during the post-Soviet era are often an institutionalized form of informal social networks. Networks, which were a central element of everyday interaction in Soviet society, are a resource and often the only resource available that can be made use of in contemporary organizational activities. The study argues that gender operates as a key structuring principle in the Russian socio-political community. Civic activity is often discursively associated with femininity and institutional politics with masculinity. Women tend to participate more than men in civic organizations, while men dominate the formal political domain. The study shows that civic organizations are important loci of communality. This communality, however, differs from the communality envisioned in the communitarian and social capital debates in the West. It is selective communality , as it is restricted to the members of the organizations and does not create generalized reciprocity and trust. Civic organizations tend to build upon and reproduce the traditional Russian organizational form of circles , kruzhki. Along with the analysis of civic activities, the study also examines the redefinition of the role and functions of the state. The authorities interviewed in this study understand civic organizations as serving those goals and interests determined by the authorities, instead of viewing them as sites of citizens self-organization around interests and problems citizens themselves deem important, or as a counterforce to the state. By contrast, civic activists understand the core of organizational activity to be advocacy of their interests and rights, tackling social problems, the pursuit of wider social change and self-help. Co-operation between authorities and organizations tends to be personified and based upon unequal, hierarchical patron-client arrangements, which inhibits the development of democratic governance. The study will be published in Routledge Contemporary Russia and Eastern Europe Series later this year.

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The aim of the study was to find out how the consumption of the population in Finland became a target of social interest and production of statistical data in the early 20th century, and what efforts have been made to influence consumption with social policy measures at different times. Questions concerning consumption are examined through the practices employed in the compilation of statistics on it. The interpretation framework in the study is Michael Foucault s perspective of modern liberal government. This mode of government is typified by pursuit of efficiency and search of equilibrium between economic government and a government of the processes of life. It shows aspirations towards both integration and individualisation. The government is based on freedom practices. It also implies knowledge-based ways of conceptualising reality. Statistical data are of specific significance in this context. The connection between the government of consumption and the compilation of statistics on it is studied through the theoretical, socio-political and statistical conceptualisation of consumption. The research material consisted of Finnish and international documentation on the compilation of statistics on consumption, publications of social programmes, and reports of studies on consumption. The analysis of the material focused especially on the problematisations related to consumption found in these documents and on changes in them over history. There have been both clearly observable changes and as well as historical stratification and diversity in the rationalities and practices of consumption government during the 20th century. Consumption has been influenced by pluralistic government, based at different times and in varying ways on the logics of solidarity and markets. The difference between these is that in the former risks are prepared for collectively while in the latter risks are individualised. Despite the differences, the characteristic that is common to these logics is certain kind of contractuality. They are both permeated by the household logic which differs from them in that it is based on the normative and ethical demands imposed on an individual. There has been a clear interactive connection between statistical data and consumption government. Statistical practices have followed changes in the way consumption has been conceptualised in society. This has been reflected in the statistical phenomena of interest, concepts, classifications and indicators. New ways of compiling statistics have in their turn shaped perceptions of reality. Statistical data have also facilitated a variety of rational calculations with which the consequences of the population s consumption habits have been evaluated at the levels of economy at large and individuals.

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Despite the central role of legitimacy in corporate social responsibility debate, little is known of subtle meaning-making processes through which social actors attempt to establish or de-establish legitimacy for socially contested corporate undertakings, and through which they, at the same time, struggle to define the proper social role and responsibility of corporations. We investigated these processes in the context of the intense socio-political conflict around the Finnish forest industry company Metsa¨-Botnia’s world-scale pulp mill in Uruguay. A critical discursive analysis of Finnish media texts highlights three types of struggle that characterized the media coverage: legalistic argumentation, truth fights, and political battles. Interestingly, this case illustrates how the corporate representatives — with the help of the national media — tend to frame the issue in legalistic terms, emphasize their expert knowledge in technical and environmental evaluations, and distance themselves from political disputes. We argue that similar tendencies are likely to characterize corporate social responsibility debates more generally.

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Resumen: Hacia el 167 a.C., un joven Polibio, se sorprendía de que Roma hubiera podido afi rmar su poderío en la península, resistir los ataques cartagineses y acabar imponiendo sus leyes en Oriente. Probablemente –explica P. Grimal– en ello también haya infl uido que las costumbres y tradiciones romanas contribuían a asegurar una superioridad sobre el resto de las culturas y hacían de Roma una ciudad única entre todas. La familia y la mujer constituyeron parte fundamental dentro de la consolidación de esa estructura socio política y de ello heredaríamos, especialmente a nivel normativo, una sólida tradición jurídico-romana. Sin embargo, la época imperial representó un grave período de crisis en el cual, tomar esposa, dar hijos a la patria y controlar los patrimonios, se convirtió en una importante reafi rmación moral, jurídica y política para la sociedad de su tiempo. En esta forma, se analizarán brevemente algunos conceptos y leyes relevantes –cuyos ecos volveremos a encontrar refl ejados a lo largo y ancho de la España cristiana medieval– los cuales nos ayudarán a adentrarnos en la cotidianidad de este singular período, sus emancipadas mujeres aristocráticas y el derecho privado.

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Abstract: In the context of Late Antiquity, we observe the ideals of Royalty of two authors who shared the political events between the governments of Constantius II to Theodosius (337-395 AD), namely: the philosopher Themistius (317-388 AD) with his political speeches; and the military Ammianus Marcellinus (325 / 330-395 AD) with his work Res Gestae. During our study, we will seek to observe the characteristics of each author, and converge their life experiences to meet the convergent and divergent points of its concepts around the Imperial responsibilities. In the meantime, we emphasize the interactions between Romans and barbarians, very noticeable at that time; and how this process of interaction of cultures has influenced the thinking of the late-ancient writers studied here. Observing how a philosopher and a military developed such ideals in relation to the ruler: Valentinian I (364-375 AD), for that we made a more specific analysis of VI Speech of Themistius - the Brotherly Love or About humanity - and the XVI - XXX Books of Ammianus Marcellinus. Thus, in a time of great cultural socio-political effervescence, two non-Christian writers have written their work, in order to re-member your audience the importance of the virtues and both based on examples from the classical tradition.

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Abstract: Recent scholarship has shown that there is no solid archaeological or epigraphic evidence to deem the narratives about the rise to kingship of David and his son Solomon as reflecting the rise and consolidation of Israel as a Nation-State during the 10th century BCE. It is rather during the 9th century in the Palestinian highlands that we can find the emergence of a socio-political entity named Bīt Humri/ya or Israel in the contemporary archaeological and epigraphic records, but with an ambiguous character as a state. In this paper, it is suggested the possibility that the rise of such a polity and the constitution of an ethnogenesis are notably and directly related to the appearance of the Arabian network of exchanges in the early first millennium BCE in the Near East. Furthermore, from a critical point of view, one may suggest that there is no direct ethnic connection between the kingdoms of Israel and Judah and the later Jewish cults of Yahweh in Palestine.

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Resumen: El presente trabajo busca proponer una reflexión acerca de los vínculos entre memoria, poesía y subjetividad en la escritura de la poeta argentina Alicia Genovese (Lomas de Zamora, Provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1953), lo que se lleva a cabo desde un diálogo intertextual entre su producción ensayística y su escritura poética. A los fines de exponer este argumento, me detendré tanto en sus ensayos como en esa zona de su poesía que Genovese desarrolla desde finales de la década de 1990 en adelante, donde el tema de la memoria emerge con mucha claridad e insistencia. Se trata de un rasgo, por otra parte, que no podemos comprender cabalmente sin referir al contexto de producción de la escritura, el que aparece marcado no solo por la manifestación de la profunda crisis socio-política que eclosionaría en 2001, sino por el desarrollo de intensos debates en torno a las memorias sobre el pasado reciente de nuestro país.

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For a long time, the Tanzanian Fisheries Department has managed Tanzanian fisheries without incorporating other stakeholders within its management framework. On lake Victoria, the persistent use of illegal fishing gear and declining catches have led the government to realize that this system of fisheries management may no longer be viable, and have sought to incorporate fishing communities into the management structure. Through the creation of beach management units (BMUs), the Fisheries Departments have sought to persuade fishing communities to implement and enforce Tanzania's fishing regulations and to monitor the fishery. In this paper we explore a recently gathered data set that yields information on, amongst others, how Tanzanian fishing communities perceive the state of their resource base, how they view their relationship with the Fisheries Department, the efficacy of fishing regulations and other variables. We draw on a series of criteria developed by Ostron (1990) for institutional 'robustness' to explore various areas of institutional development on Lake Victoria, and to try and anticipate how the BMUs will fare. We argue there are many socio-political and economic factors that will determine how communities will receive and perceive their responsibilities towards government-imposed administrative structures at the local level, these will become 'socialized' such that they will vary from place to place. While this may bode well for problems of heterogeneity, it does not necessarily mean that fisheries management objective on Lake Victoria will be met

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Juan Manuel Abascal Palazón, Antonio Caballos Rufino, Santiago Castellanos Garcia y Juan Santos Yanguas (eds.)

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Este estudo, que constitui minha Dissertação de Mestrado em Educação, descreve e analisa a história, as concepções e as práticas político-pedagógicas dos Cursos Pré-Vestibulares Populares, tomando como base os dados colhidos através de análise de documentos, observação e depoimentos das principais lideranças do Movimento Pré-Vestibular para Negros e Carentes (PVNC), movimento criado em 1993 na Baixada Fluminense, Rio de Janeiro. O texto parte da discussão sobre a educação no atual contexto sócio-político, identifica questões a serem aprofundadas sobre a relação entre movimentos sociais, educação e projeto político-pedagógico, examina as idéias de democracia e cidadania, incorporando os conceitos de autonomia, identidade e interculturalismo, descreve a história dos Cursos Pré-Vestibulares Populares no Estado do Rio de Janeiro, os princípios e as práticas presentes no Pré-Vestibular para Negros e Carentes. O objetivo principal do estudo foi analisar a relação entre Movimentos Sociais, Cidadania e Educação, investigando a prática político-pedagógica dos cursos Pré-Vestibulares Populares, especificamente do Pré-Vestibular para Negros e Carentes. Além disso, e estudo tenta verificar as possibilidades dos Cursos Pré-Vestibulares Populares como movimento de construção de relações educacionais democráticas.

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Esta pesquisa tem como tema as chamadas mídias livres, que se inserem no contexto das lutas pela democratização da mídia e na defesa da comunicação como direito humano fundamental de uma sociedade democrática. Ao longo da história dessas formas de ação política, pode-se observar uma relação entre as diversas mudanças sócio-políticas, tecnológicas e essas práticas. Diante disso, o objetivo da pesquisa é refletir sobre as atuais formas de ação política no campo midiático a partir do estudo dessas práticas intituladas livres. Como questões importantes para a pesquisa, pergunta-se sobre os sentidos que o termo liberdade assume nessas práticas e o papel que as tecnologias de comunicação podem ter nas mudanças das formas de ação política na atualidade, que parecem problematizar noções como direito à comunicação e resistência. Para tanto, a pesquisa analisa algumas iniciativas que ganharam o Prêmio Pontos de Mídia Livre do Ministério da Cultura, em especial o Projeto Viva Favela. Como estratégias metodológicas, a pesquisa empírica apoiou-se na análise de produções de algumas das chamadas mídias livres, em trabalho de campo e entrevistas.

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O objetivo desta tese é traçar um panorama histórico das políticas públicas de planejamento familiar do Estado brasileiro, inserindo-o no contexto da complexa conjuntura sociopolítico-econômica no período de 1980 até a atualidade. Mediante pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, investigam-se, na interseção das políticas para população, mulher e saúde, as influências e interesses que incidem sobre programas de planejamento familiar. Após recuperar brevemente a trajetória dos movimentos de mulheres e feministas, que constituíram atores sociais centrais no debate sobre as políticas de população e de planejamento familiar, focaliza-se a drástica redução nas taxas de fecundidade da mulher brasileira ocorrida a partir dos anos 1960, na vigência oficial de uma política natalista, mas na omissão do Estado ao permitir a difusão no país de organizações de cunho controlista, que viabilizaram às mulheres o acesso à pílula anticoncepcional e à esterilização. Acompanha-se a evolução das políticas de população em nível mundial, destacando a atuação da Organização das Nações Unidas e de suas conferências mundiais, focalizando a Conferência Internacional de População e Desenvolvimento realizada no Cairo em 1994, que provocou uma inflexão nas políticas de saúde da mulher para saúde reprodutiva. No Brasil, que já contava com um programa pioneiro de saúde da mulher o Paism (1983) , os efeitos do Cairo vieram somar-se à definição do planejamento familiar pela Constituição de 1988 e à instituição do Sistema Único de Saúde em 1990. A análise permitiu identificar as influências externas e internas que incidem sobre a política de planejamento familiar. A política de planejamento familiar do país hoje configura-se democrática, abrangente e descentralizada, sendo a principal tensão identificada entre seus enunciados e sua implementação na prática, ou seja, só será efetiva se houver um controle social eficaz.

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A presente pesquisa pretende realizar um estudo sobre a arte urbana e algumas das questões que compõem seu panorama. Imergindo em sua recente história, a pesquisa propicia maior destaque para a arte urbana que surgiu a partir a década de 1970 com proeminente viés crítico político-social. A Arte Urbana é descrita e problematizada por meio da tensão entre o domínio público e o privado, da violência urbana e do sistema das artes, de modo a se alcançar uma melhor concepção sobre esse fenômeno cultural em crescente evolução. Em seguida percorro por minha trajetória na arte e descrevo minhas experiências com intervenções urbanas. Efetuando uma análise sobre a minha produção como artista urbano, que conta, predominantemente, com trabalhos que intentam estabelecer interlocução com a dinâmica da vida urbana, realçando problemas práticos do cotidiano, tais como a violência, o hiato entre Estado e população e a desigualdade social. Atribuindo o devido destaque ao projeto de intervenção urbana realizado junto a esta pesquisa de mestrado, denominado: "Status quo revolução", que possui como tema principal, a esperança poética de transformação, tendo o amor, e seu maior ícone, o coração, como símbolos

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A pressão antrópica crescente impõe a necessidade de um monitoramento sistemático da água e de seus ambientes aquáticos. O desenvolvimento de Índices de Qualidade de Água (IQAs) tem como objetivo transformar dados em informações acessíveis e de fácil entendimento para os gestores e usuários das águas, visando refletir a deterioração deste recurso em nível de bacia hidrográfica e ao longo do tempo. O Instituto Estadual do Ambiente (INEA) adotou um novo Índice de Qualidade de Água para ambiente lótico, baseado em lógica nebulosa, o IQAFAL, desenvolvido no âmbito do rio Paraíba do Sul. O objetivo principal deste estudo consiste em aplicar o IQAFAL aos rios dos Macacos, Cabeça e Rainha, contribuintes da bacia de drenagem da Lagoa Rodrigo de Freitas, de grande interesse sócio-político-ambiental para a cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Busca-se analisar a sua adequação em sintetizar a qualidade de água em bacias hidrográficas de pequeno porte e primordialmente urbana. Para tanto, utilizam-se dados físicos, químicos e biológicos do INEA, no período 2003 - 2010. Os resultados mostraram que o IQAFAL foi capaz de refletir a qualidade da água de modo satisfatório e compatível com os registros disponíveis e a percepção de especialistas acerca da real qualidade dos rios. Ou seja, este Índice se mostrou mais sensível às condições ruins, traduzindo a verdadeira condição destes corpos dágua, ao contrário do IQACETESB, que classifica estas águas como de qualidade mediana. Os resultados confirmam também as vantagens deste índice, observadas em estudos anteriores, sobretudo quanto à capacidade de identificar as variáveis de qualidade de água que são mais determinantes para o resultado final do Índice, através do estudo dos subíndices.