914 resultados para post-industrial society


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In this paper the characteristics of the cyclical political polarization of the Spanish media system are defined. From this study, a prospective analysis raises doubts about this scenario remains unchanged because of the political and economic crisis. It seeks to define the role played by political and media actors in polarization focusing on the two legislatures where the tension reached higher levels (1993-1996 and 2004-2008) and compares it with the developments faced by them in the current economical and political context of crisis. To achieve these aims, it has been performed an analysis of media content (since 1993) and looked through primary sociological sources and the scientific literature about polarization. This is an exploratory, critical and descriptive case analysis.

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La articulación entre las políticas de empleo y las políticas sociales condicionan la percepción subjetiva de incertidumbre los individuos. El modelo de mercado laboral tiene un peso determinante en la percepción de incertidumbre. El empleo en sí mismo ya no es suficiente garantía de ingresos seguros. El empleo a tiempo parcial y los contratos temporales generan una creciente demanda de políticas de redistribución de los ingresos en los países del Sur y Este de Europa. En los países escandinavos los mismos tipos de contratos laborales generan menos desigualdad porque el empleo público contribuye a generar un “círculo virtuoso” que favorece las políticas de igualdad y la conciliación entre la vida laboral y familiar. A nivel individual las actitudes pro-redistributivas las impulsan las mujeres, aquellas personas con incertidumbre en sus ingresos económicos y con bajo nivel de estudios. Por el contrario, quienes más confían en el éxito individual y el mérito son los jóvenes con estudios universitarios y aquellos que perciben ingresos económicos altos.

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The study of citizenship has increasingly focused on the ways in which spatialized understandings of the concept can be used to marginalise and exclude social groups: exclusive constructions of national boundaries, local neighbourhoods and public spaces can deny marginalised groups their social and political rights. Less attention has been paid to how constructions of place can accommodate different groups’ rights and promote peaceful coexistence. This is particularly important in locations where migration disrupts existing understandings (‘lay theories’) of the relationship between residency, identity and collective rights. The present research examines how spatialized understandings of citizenship shape perceptions of intergroup mixing in previously segregated areas of a post-conflict society. Critical Discursive Social Psychological (CDSP) analysis of 30 interviews with long-term residents and recent migrants to increasingly mixed areas of Belfast shows that, while all pa
rticipants acknowledged Northern Ireland’s territorialisation, different lay theories of citizenship underpin the possibility and desirability of intergroup coexistence. Long-term residents drew upon understandings of the negative citizenry of the outgroup to argue against the possibility of peaceful coexistence within their locale, while recent incomers gave evidence of their own experiences of good citizenship within the shared spaces of neighbourhood to demonstrate that this could and should be achieved. The implications of lay theories of citizenship for the study of residential migration and mixing are discussed

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The information society thesis, according to which economically advanced nations are undergoing transformation into post-industrial, information-based societies, can, with caveats, be taken as a premise. Essentially empirical or predictive, this influential set of claims quickly gives rise to major normative issues. The paper asks how, as part of a prospective normative theory of the information society, information may be shown to contribute to social goals in general and social welfare in particular. Given the diverse range of referents of the term 'information' in the context of the information society debate, the paper focuses on news as a form of information whose communication is widely held to be important to society. The problem is how to quantify or otherwise prove this intuition. It is suggested that a fusion of welfare economics and the economics of information may yield a solution. The paper is designed to be exploratory, offering a potential line of inquiry for the future research and policy agenda of information society studies.

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As profundas mudanças económicas, sociais e culturais verificadas nos países mais desenvolvidos, em particular nas últimas décadas, têm grandes consequências para a liderança nas organizações. Este artigo tem em vista identificar o sentido dessas mudanças, em particular para Portugal. Face à caracterização que é feita do processo de transição da sociedade industrial, de manufactura, para a sociedade pós-capitalista (Peter Drucker, 1993) ou da mentefactura (Alvin Toffler, 1995), o cenário daí decorrente conduz a que a liderança, antes predominantemente disciplinadora e autocrata, baseada na desconfiança, evolua para uma liderança baseada na confiança em que o líder é um facilitador que procura criar as melhores condições para o êxito da equipa.

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Vivemos um tempo de mudança de paradigmas na educação. O advento da sociedade em rede nesta Era Digital está a transformar profundamente a sociedade e a educação. De um ensino industrial e de cariz comportamentalista, assistimos hoje à emergência de um ensino pós-industrial e de índole construtivista. A distinção entre o ensino presencial e o ensino online é cada vez menor, requerendo o desenvolvimento de competências digitais por parte de professores e alunos. Torna-se necessária a construção de uma identidade digital que não é apenas uma identificação do estudante, mas é a sua marca digital enquanto cidadão.

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A partir del análisis crítico de diversas teorías del riesgo propuestas por autores como Paul Slovic, CassSunstein, Mary Douglas y Ulrich Beck, este artículo delinea algunos fundamentos para una teoría posmarxista del riesgo. Contra cualquier pretendida "Sociedad Mundial del Riesgo" se identificará una específica Lógica del Riesgo capaz de poseer alcance mundial pero que, más allá de su vocación utópica, es concebida como incapaz de lograr el cierre final de lo social, ya sea mediante los instrumentos de un "Estado costo-beneficio" o del desenvolvimiento dialéctico necesario de la sociedad industrial.

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A partir del análisis crítico de diversas teorías del riesgo propuestas por autores como Paul Slovic, CassSunstein, Mary Douglas y Ulrich Beck, este artículo delinea algunos fundamentos para una teoría posmarxista del riesgo. Contra cualquier pretendida "Sociedad Mundial del Riesgo" se identificará una específica Lógica del Riesgo capaz de poseer alcance mundial pero que, más allá de su vocación utópica, es concebida como incapaz de lograr el cierre final de lo social, ya sea mediante los instrumentos de un "Estado costo-beneficio" o del desenvolvimiento dialéctico necesario de la sociedad industrial.

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A partir del análisis crítico de diversas teorías del riesgo propuestas por autores como Paul Slovic, CassSunstein, Mary Douglas y Ulrich Beck, este artículo delinea algunos fundamentos para una teoría posmarxista del riesgo. Contra cualquier pretendida "Sociedad Mundial del Riesgo" se identificará una específica Lógica del Riesgo capaz de poseer alcance mundial pero que, más allá de su vocación utópica, es concebida como incapaz de lograr el cierre final de lo social, ya sea mediante los instrumentos de un "Estado costo-beneficio" o del desenvolvimiento dialéctico necesario de la sociedad industrial.

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O presente artigo discute alguns aspectos da relação entre biológico e social, tomando por objeto o campo da Saúde Coletiva no Brasil e o campo das Ciências Sociais, mais especificamente a sociologia. Parte-se do pressuposto de que o conceito que norteia o campo da Saúde Coletiva, o da determinação social (formulado em meados dos anos 1970 e 1980), foi profundamente marcado por certa leitura do social, impregnada dos marcos teóricos clássicos das ciências sociais e marcada pelo cenário político-institucional em que os campos - da Saúde Coletiva e das Ciências Sociais - encontravam-se historicamente. O objetivo é discutir o esgotamento dessa formulação teórica tendo em vista o cenário das profundas mudanças ocorridas nas sociedades contemporâneas em sua etapa industrial tardia, pós-industrial ou tardo-moderna. Acredita-se que a discussão sobre os marcos teóricos constitutivos do campo da Saúde Coletiva contribuirá para um enfrentamento das questões de saúde mais consoante com as mudanças sociais ocorridas.

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Generally employment has been studied in terms of changes in the types of goods and services that the economy is purchasing. Far less attention has been given to the occupational aggregates that go into producing these goods and services. The few studies that did investigate this area found that the mix of tabour inputs appear to have been changing over time in a systematic pattern. The increasing prevalence of white-collar, information workers gave rise to the assertion that many societies had entered a post-industrial information age. Deals first of aff with some issues of measurement in the context of the Australian labour force, then looks at trends in various occupational groups using a non-standard four-sector classification of the labour force. Finally suggests an application in relation to the link between education and training and its ability to reduce structural unemployment.

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With the emergence of a global division of labour, the internationalisation of markets and cultures, the growing power of supranational organisations and the spread of new information technologies to every field of life, it starts to appear a different kind of society, different from the industrial society, and called by many as ‘the knowledge-based economy’, emphasizing the importance of information and knowledge in many areas of work and organisation of societies. Despite the common trends of evolution, these transformations do not necessarily produce a convergence of national and regional social and economic structures, but a diversity of realities emerging from the relations between economic and political context on one hand and the companies and their strategies on the other. In this sense, which future can we expect to the knowledge economy? How can we measure it and why is it important? This paper will present some results from the European project WORKS – Work organisation and restructuring in the knowledge society (6th Framework Programme), focusing the future visions and possible future trends in different countries, sectors and industries, given empirical evidences of the case studies applied in several European countries, underling the importance of foresight exercises to design policies, prevent uncontrolled risks and anticipate alternatives, leading to different ‘knowledge economies’ and not to the ‘knowled

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This research was commissioned by Derry Well Woman and carried out on its behalf by the Institute of Public Health in Ireland in association with the Institute for Conflict Research and Rethink.The research had two distinct aims:- to improve understanding of the impact of the border and of the conflict on both sidesof the border on women’s health- to improve understanding of women’s roles, particularly as they impact on mental health, in post conflict society.- The research was conducted with a view to its recommendations being used to inform the work of the Cross Border Women’  Health Network as well as other cross border health forums or organisations responsible for service planning and delivery.- The findings of this research are based on a series of 31 in-depth interviews and one focus group with women both north and south of the border and on one focus group and six interviews with women who were specifically consulted as service providers.

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The chapter provides an account of the changing role played by active labour market policies (ALMPs) in Europe since the post-war years. Focusing on six countries (Sweden, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom), it shows that the role of ALMPs is related to the broad economic situation. At times of rapid expansion and labour shortage, like the 1950s and 1960s, their key objective was to upskill the workforce. After the oil shocks of the 1970s, the raison d'être of ALMPs shifted from economic to social policy, and since the mid-1990s, we see the development of a new function, well captured by the notion of activation, which refers to the strengthening of work incentives and the removal of obstacles to employment, mostly for low-skilled people. The adequacy between economic context and policy is not always optimal, though. Like other ones, this policy domain suffers from inertia, with the result that the countries that have led the way in one period have more difficulty adapting to the economic conditions prevailing in the following one.

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To what extent do social policy preferences explain party choice? This question has received little attention over the past years, because the bulk of the literature has argued that electoral choice is increasingly shaped by identity-based attitudes, rather than by preferences for economic-distributive social policies. We argue that in the wake of this debate, the significance of social policy preferences for electoral choice has been underestimated, because most contributions neglect social policy debates that are specific to post-industrial societies. In particular, they merely focus on income redistribution, while neglecting distributive conflicts around social investment. The Selects 2011 data allows investigating this crucial distinction for Switzerland. Our empirical analyses confirm that it is pivotal to take the pluridimensionality of distributive conflicts seriously: when looking at preferences for social investment rather than income redistribution, we find that social policy preferences are significant explanatory factors for the choice of the five major Swiss political parties.