Latin America and the Caribbean in 2011 and Beyond: A conversation among Latin America and Caribbean Specialists.

For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.

Determination of signature volatile odor chemicals emanating from novel biological specimens by non-invasive analytical techniques for the potential use in forensic identifications

Human scent, or the volatile organic compounds (VOCs) produced by an individual, has been recognized as a biometric measurement because of the distinct variations in both the presence and abundance of these VOCs between individuals. In forensic science, human scent has been used as a form of associative evidence by linking a suspect to a scene/object through the use of human scent discriminating canines. The scent most often collected and used with these specially trained canines is from the hands because a majority of the evidence collected is likely to have been handled by the suspect. However, the scents from other biological specimens, especially those that are likely to be present at scenes of violent crimes, have yet to be explored. Hair, fingernails and saliva are examples of these types of specimens. ^ In this work, a headspace solid phase microextraction gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (HS-SPME-GC-MS) technique was used for the identification of VOCs from hand odor, hair, fingernails and saliva. Sixty individuals were sampled and the profiles of the extracted VOCs were evaluated to assess whether they could be used for distinguishing individuals. Preliminary analysis of the biological specimens collected from an individual (intra-subject) showed that, though these materials have some VOCs in common, their overall chemical profile is different for each specimen type. Pair-wise comparisons, using Spearman Rank correlations, were made between the chemical profiles obtained from each subject, per a specimen type. Greater than 98.8% of the collected samples were distinguished from the subjects for all of the specimen types, demonstrating that these specimens can be used for distinguishing individuals. ^ Additionally, field trials were performed to determine the utility of these specimens as scent sources for human scent discriminating canines. Three trials were conducted to evaluate hair, fingernails and saliva in comparison to hand odor, which was considered the standard source of human odor. It was revealed that canines perform similarly to these alternative human scent sources as they do to hand odor implying that, though there are differences in the chemical profiles released by these specimens, they can still be used for the discrimination of individuals by trained canines.^

The peculiar Type Ia supernova iPTF14atg: Chandrasekhar-mass explosion or violent merger?

iPTF14atg, a subluminous peculiar Type Ia supernova (SN Ia) similar to SN 2002es, is the first SN Ia for which a strong UV flash was observed in the early-time light curves. This has been interpreted as evidence for a single-degenerate (SD) progenitor system, where such a signal is expected from interactions between the SN ejecta and the non-degenerate companion star. Here, we compare synthetic observables of multidimensional state-of-the-art explosion models for different progenitor scenarios to the light curves and spectra of iPTF14atg. From our models, we have difficulties explaining the spectral evolution of iPTF14atg within the SD progenitor channel. In contrast, we find that a violent merger of two carbon-oxygen white dwarfs with 0.9 and 0.76 M⊙, respectively, provides an excellent match to the spectral evolution of iPTF14atg from 10 d before to several weeks after maximum light. Our merger model does not naturally explain the initial UV flash of iPTF14atg. We discuss several possibilities like interactions of the SN ejecta with the circumstellar medium and surface radioactivity from an He-ignited merger that may be able to account for the early UV emission in violent merger models.

Quand la manifestation tourne à l'émeute : les affrontements violents entre forces de l'ordre et manifestants en Côte d'Ivoire.

Les manifestations de crise, en Côte d'Ivoire, ont été extrêmement violentes. Au cours des quinze dernières années, plus de 400 personnes sont mortes, tuées dans des affrontements avec les forces de sécurités ou des contre-manifestants. Malgré la gravité du problème, peu d’études scientifiques y sont consacrées et les rares analyses et enquêtes existantes portent, de façon unilatérale, sur l’identité et la responsabilité pénale des auteurs et commanditaires putatifs de cette violence. La présente étude s’élève contre le moralisme inhérent à ces approches pour aborder la question sous l’angle de l’interaction : cette thèse a pour objectif de comprendre les processus et logiques qui sous-tendent l’usage de la violence au cours des manifestations. Le cadre théorique utilisé dans cette étude qualitative est l’interactionnisme symbolique. Le matériel d’analyse est composé d’entrevues et de divers documents. Trente-trois (33) entrevues semi-dirigées ont été réalisées avec des policiers et des manifestants, cooptés selon la technique de la boule de neige, entre le 3 janvier et le 15 mai 2013, à Abidjan. Les rapports d’enquête, de l’ONG Human Rights Watch, sur les manifestations de crise, les manuels de formation de la police et divers autres matériaux périphériques ont également été consultés. Les données ont été analysées suivant les principes et techniques de la théorisation ancrée (Paillée, 1994). Trois principaux résultats ont été obtenus. Premièrement, le système ivoirien de maintien de l'ordre est conçu selon le modèle d’une « police du prince ». Les forces de sécurité dans leur ensemble y occupent une fonction subalterne d’exécutant. Elles sont placées sous autorité politique avec pour mandat la défense inconditionnelle des institutions. Le style standard de gestion des foules, qui en découle, est légaliste et répressif, correspondant au style d’escalade de la force (McPhail, Schweingruber, & Carthy, 1998). Cette « police du prince » dispose toutefois de marges de manœuvre sur le terrain, qui lui permettent de moduler son style en fonction de la conception qu’elle se fait de l’attitude des manifestants : paternaliste avec les foules dites calmes, elle devient répressive ou déviante avec les foules qu’elle définit comme étant hostiles. Deuxièmement, à rebours d’une conception victimaire de la foule, la violence est une transaction situationnelle dynamique entre forces de sécurité et manifestants. La violence suit un processus ascendant dont les séquences et les règles d’enchainement sont décrites. Ainsi, le premier niveau auquel s’arrête la majorité des manifestations est celui d’une force non létale bilatérale dans lequel les deux acteurs, protestataires et policiers, ont recours à des armes non incapacitantes, où les cailloux des premiers répondent au gaz lacrymogène des seconds. Le deuxième niveau correspond à la létalité unilatérale : la police ouvre le feu lorsque les manifestants se rapprochent de trop près. Le troisième et dernier niveau est atteint lorsque les manifestants utilisent à leur tour des armes à feu, la létalité est alors bilatérale. Troisièmement, enfin, le concept de « l’indignité républicaine » rend compte de la logique de la violence dans les manifestations. La violence se déclenche et s’intensifie lorsqu’une des parties, manifestants ou policiers, interprète l’acte posé par l’adversaire comme étant en rupture avec le rôle attendu du statut qu’il revendique dans la manifestation. Cet acte jugé indigne a pour conséquence de le priver de la déférence rattachée à son statut et de justifier à son encontre l’usage de la force. Ces actes d’indignités, du point de vue des policiers, sont symbolisés par la figure du manifestant hostile. Pour les manifestants, l’indignité des forces de sécurité se reconnait par des actes qui les assimilent à une milice privée. Le degré d’indignité perçu de l’acte explique le niveau d’allocation de la violence.

Quand la manifestation tourne à l'émeute : les affrontements violents entre forces de l'ordre et manifestants en Côte d'Ivoire

Les manifestations de crise, en Côte d'Ivoire, ont été extrêmement violentes. Au cours des quinze dernières années, plus de 400 personnes sont mortes, tuées dans des affrontements avec les forces de sécurités ou des contre-manifestants. Malgré la gravité du problème, peu d’études scientifiques y sont consacrées et les rares analyses et enquêtes existantes portent, de façon unilatérale, sur l’identité et la responsabilité pénale des auteurs et commanditaires putatifs de cette violence. La présente étude s’élève contre le moralisme inhérent à ces approches pour aborder la question sous l’angle de l’interaction : cette thèse a pour objectif de comprendre les processus et logiques qui sous-tendent l’usage de la violence au cours des manifestations. Le cadre théorique utilisé dans cette étude qualitative est l’interactionnisme symbolique. Le matériel d’analyse est composé d’entrevues et de divers documents. Trente-trois (33) entrevues semi-dirigées ont été réalisées avec des policiers et des manifestants, cooptés selon la technique de la boule de neige, entre le 3 janvier et le 15 mai 2013, à Abidjan. Les rapports d’enquête, de l’ONG Human Rights Watch, sur les manifestations de crise, les manuels de formation de la police et divers autres matériaux périphériques ont également été consultés. Les données ont été analysées suivant les principes et techniques de la théorisation ancrée (Paillée, 1994). Trois principaux résultats ont été obtenus. Premièrement, le système ivoirien de maintien de l'ordre est conçu selon le modèle d’une « police du prince ». Les forces de sécurité dans leur ensemble y occupent une fonction subalterne d’exécutant. Elles sont placées sous autorité politique avec pour mandat la défense inconditionnelle des institutions. Le style standard de gestion des foules, qui en découle, est légaliste et répressif, correspondant au style d’escalade de la force (McPhail, Schweingruber, & Carthy, 1998). Cette « police du prince » dispose toutefois de marges de manœuvre sur le terrain, qui lui permettent de moduler son style en fonction de la conception qu’elle se fait de l’attitude des manifestants : paternaliste avec les foules dites calmes, elle devient répressive ou déviante avec les foules qu’elle définit comme étant hostiles. Deuxièmement, à rebours d’une conception victimaire de la foule, la violence est une transaction situationnelle dynamique entre forces de sécurité et manifestants. La violence suit un processus ascendant dont les séquences et les règles d’enchainement sont décrites. Ainsi, le premier niveau auquel s’arrête la majorité des manifestations est celui d’une force non létale bilatérale dans lequel les deux acteurs, protestataires et policiers, ont recours à des armes non incapacitantes, où les cailloux des premiers répondent au gaz lacrymogène des seconds. Le deuxième niveau correspond à la létalité unilatérale : la police ouvre le feu lorsque les manifestants se rapprochent de trop près. Le troisième et dernier niveau est atteint lorsque les manifestants utilisent à leur tour des armes à feu, la létalité est alors bilatérale. Troisièmement, enfin, le concept de « l’indignité républicaine » rend compte de la logique de la violence dans les manifestations. La violence se déclenche et s’intensifie lorsqu’une des parties, manifestants ou policiers, interprète l’acte posé par l’adversaire comme étant en rupture avec le rôle attendu du statut qu’il revendique dans la manifestation. Cet acte jugé indigne a pour conséquence de le priver de la déférence rattachée à son statut et de justifier à son encontre l’usage de la force. Ces actes d’indignités, du point de vue des policiers, sont symbolisés par la figure du manifestant hostile. Pour les manifestants, l’indignité des forces de sécurité se reconnait par des actes qui les assimilent à une milice privée. Le degré d’indignité perçu de l’acte explique le niveau d’allocation de la violence.

Determination of Signature Volatile Odor Chemicals Emanating from Novel Biological Specimens by Non-invasive Analytical Techniques for the Potential use in Forensic Identifications

Human scent, or the volatile organic compounds (VOCs) produced by an individual, has been recognized as a biometric measurement because of the distinct variations in both the presence and abundance of these VOCs between individuals. In forensic science, human scent has been used as a form of associative evidence by linking a suspect to a scene/object through the use of human scent discriminating canines. The scent most often collected and used with these specially trained canines is from the hands because a majority of the evidence collected is likely to have been handled by the suspect. However, the scents from other biological specimens, especially those that are likely to be present at scenes of violent crimes, have yet to be explored. Hair, fingernails and saliva are examples of these types of specimens. In this work, a headspace solid phase microextraction gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (HS-SPME-GC-MS) technique was used for the identification of VOCs from hand odor, hair, fingernails and saliva. Sixty individuals were sampled and the profiles of the extracted VOCs were evaluated to assess whether they could be used for distinguishing individuals. Preliminary analysis of the biological specimens collected from an individual (intra-subject) showed that, though these materials have some VOCs in common, their overall chemical profile is different for each specimen type. Pair-wise comparisons, using Spearman Rank correlations, were made between the chemical profiles obtained from each subject, per a specimen type. Greater than 98.8% of the collected samples were distinguished from the subjects for all of the specimen types, demonstrating that these specimens can be used for distinguishing individuals. Additionally, field trials were performed to determine the utility of these specimens as scent sources for human scent discriminating canines. Three trials were conducted to evaluate hair, fingernails and saliva in comparison to hand odor, which was considered the standard source of human odor. It was revealed that canines perform similarly to these alternative human scent sources as they do to hand odor implying that, though there are differences in the chemical profiles released by these specimens, they can still be used for the discrimination of individuals by trained canines.

Correcting for bias when estimating the cost of hospital-acquired infection : an analysis of lower respiratory tract infections in non-surgical patients

Hospital acquired infections (HAI) are costly but many are avoidable. Evaluating prevention programmes requires data on their costs and benefits. Estimating the actual costs of HAI (a measure of the cost savings due to prevention) is difficult as HAI changes cost by extending patient length of stay, yet, length of stay is a major risk factor for HAI. This endogeneity bias can confound attempts to measure accurately the cost of HAI. We propose a two-stage instrumental variables estimation strategy that explicitly controls for the endogeneity between risk of HAI and length of stay. We find that a 10% reduction in ex ante risk of HAI results in an expected savings of £693 ($US 984).

A Petrov-Galerkin method for a singularly perturbed ordinary differential equation with non-smooth data

In this paper, a singularly perturbed ordinary differential equation with non-smooth data is considered. The numerical method is generated by means of a Petrov-Galerkin finite element method with the piecewise-exponential test function and the piecewise-linear trial function. At the discontinuous point of the coefficient, a special technique is used. The method is shown to be first-order accurate and singular perturbation parameter uniform convergence. Finally, numerical results are presented, which are in agreement with theoretical results.