971 resultados para Unemployed Workers Movement


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Luego de la crisis económica, social y política que marcó el fin de la convertibilidad en Argentina, las políticas desplegadas por el gobierno de N. Kirchner contribuyeron a la relegitimación del sistema político a partir de la construcción de un proyecto político hegemónico, articulando una alianza con los sindicatos, particularmente con sectores que habían resistido las políticas neoliberales en los años '90. Esta alianza entró en crisis hacia fines del año 2010, crisis que se expresó abiertamente en 2012. En este trabajo nos proponemos reconstruir las características generales de la relación entre sindicalismo y kirchnerismo sobre la base del análisis de la política laboral y sus cambios hacia el movimiento obrero y los trabajadores

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Pesquisa sobre o semanário de esquerda Brasil de Fato, construído por um coletivo de dirigentes de movimentos sociais e representantes de organizações da sociedade civil, jornalistas, advogados e artistas, identificados politicamente e reunidos a partir de uma proposta apresentada pelo Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra. Lançado em janeiro de 2003, com a perspectiva de se tornar um meio de comunicação de massas, completou seis anos de existência resistindo às adversidades. O objetivo central é analisar o processo de construção e consolidação deste jornal popular-alternativo desde a formulação de seu projeto. São resgatados os caminhos percorridos para compreender não só as dificuldades inerentes à manutenção de um projeto com este perfil, mas também para analisar as contradições internas e externas que causaram as transformações em sua proposta original. A metodologia utilizada para este fim consistiu em pesquisa bibliográfica, entrevistas semi-estruturadas com lideranças e análise de conteúdo. Concluiu-se que, apesar de o jornal ter enfrentado uma série de condições adversas que justificam o não cumprimento de sua proposta original, o caráter de jornal de movimentos sociais já estava presente no Brasil de Fato desde a sua formação, principalmente no que tange as concepções do MST para o jornal.(AU)

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Pesquisa sobre o semanário de esquerda Brasil de Fato, construído por um coletivo de dirigentes de movimentos sociais e representantes de organizações da sociedade civil, jornalistas, advogados e artistas, identificados politicamente e reunidos a partir de uma proposta apresentada pelo Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra. Lançado em janeiro de 2003, com a perspectiva de se tornar um meio de comunicação de massas, completou seis anos de existência resistindo às adversidades. O objetivo central é analisar o processo de construção e consolidação deste jornal popular-alternativo desde a formulação de seu projeto. São resgatados os caminhos percorridos para compreender não só as dificuldades inerentes à manutenção de um projeto com este perfil, mas também para analisar as contradições internas e externas que causaram as transformações em sua proposta original. A metodologia utilizada para este fim consistiu em pesquisa bibliográfica, entrevistas semi-estruturadas com lideranças e análise de conteúdo. Concluiu-se que, apesar de o jornal ter enfrentado uma série de condições adversas que justificam o não cumprimento de sua proposta original, o caráter de jornal de movimentos sociais já estava presente no Brasil de Fato desde a sua formação, principalmente no que tange as concepções do MST para o jornal.(AU)

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En enero de 1984, en el municipio de Cascavel, situado en la región más occidental del estado de Paraná (Brasil), se constituyó formalmente el Movimiento de los trabajadores rurales Sin Tierra, el MST. Su relevancia geográfica, histórica, económica y social queda cristalizada en su dinámica de territorialización, protagonizada por los asentamientos de reforma agraria, las cooperativas de producción y comercialización, y sus agroindustrias, así como por sus escuelas de formación. Se potencia con todo ello la defensa y viabilidad de una agricultura familiar y campesina, asentada en la práctica de la agroecología. El devenir de este proceso conforma un fenómeno geográfico de extraordinaria magnitud hacia la producción de una alternativa social y espacial.

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Pesquisa sobre o semanário de esquerda Brasil de Fato, construído por um coletivo de dirigentes de movimentos sociais e representantes de organizações da sociedade civil, jornalistas, advogados e artistas, identificados politicamente e reunidos a partir de uma proposta apresentada pelo Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra. Lançado em janeiro de 2003, com a perspectiva de se tornar um meio de comunicação de massas, completou seis anos de existência resistindo às adversidades. O objetivo central é analisar o processo de construção e consolidação deste jornal popular-alternativo desde a formulação de seu projeto. São resgatados os caminhos percorridos para compreender não só as dificuldades inerentes à manutenção de um projeto com este perfil, mas também para analisar as contradições internas e externas que causaram as transformações em sua proposta original. A metodologia utilizada para este fim consistiu em pesquisa bibliográfica, entrevistas semi-estruturadas com lideranças e análise de conteúdo. Concluiu-se que, apesar de o jornal ter enfrentado uma série de condições adversas que justificam o não cumprimento de sua proposta original, o caráter de jornal de movimentos sociais já estava presente no Brasil de Fato desde a sua formação, principalmente no que tange as concepções do MST para o jornal.(AU)

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Studies show that the theme of gender relations within the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) has incorporated some feminist guidelines discussions in the set of its speeches and daily practices. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the production of meanings about the political militancy of women linked to MST in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives sought to identify the continuities and ruptures related to the women's role in the family of the militant women and to investigate the militant’s discursive positioning about their work. The study is configured as a qualitative research, which six women militants linked to the MST at the RN participated. These women occupy the coordination and leadership functions in the movement. We will use a semi-structured interview, initially guided by triggering questions that included, among others, the dimensions: political militancy, family and work as an access tool to the phenomenon. The reports were analyzed from an initial categorization, based on the guiding principles: militancy, family and work, and were based on theoretical perspective of studies about the production of meaning, discursive practices, social psychology and gender studies. The meanings of militancy point to: contribution, hope, recognition, transformation, awareness and fight. The results show that there is always a positivation speech of life, achievements of a formation and about a new place as a woman at stake. These results come justified by the collective investment of struggle, not only for the access to land, but for social rights achievements too. Finally, the MST stands with a discursive agency that contributes to produce in these women not only the way of political participation: but a way to be exercised with collective subjects and their rights.

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Studies show that the theme of gender relations within the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) has incorporated some feminist guidelines discussions in the set of its speeches and daily practices. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the production of meanings about the political militancy of women linked to MST in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives sought to identify the continuities and ruptures related to the women's role in the family of the militant women and to investigate the militant’s discursive positioning about their work. The study is configured as a qualitative research, which six women militants linked to the MST at the RN participated. These women occupy the coordination and leadership functions in the movement. We will use a semi-structured interview, initially guided by triggering questions that included, among others, the dimensions: political militancy, family and work as an access tool to the phenomenon. The reports were analyzed from an initial categorization, based on the guiding principles: militancy, family and work, and were based on theoretical perspective of studies about the production of meaning, discursive practices, social psychology and gender studies. The meanings of militancy point to: contribution, hope, recognition, transformation, awareness and fight. The results show that there is always a positivation speech of life, achievements of a formation and about a new place as a woman at stake. These results come justified by the collective investment of struggle, not only for the access to land, but for social rights achievements too. Finally, the MST stands with a discursive agency that contributes to produce in these women not only the way of political participation: but a way to be exercised with collective subjects and their rights.

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O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar as questões de Gênero veiculadas a partir do teatro operário na cidade do Rio Grande, que nos anos iniciais do século XX foi um agente educativo relevante na organização do operariado local, e sua relação com a formação da consciência histórica dos sujeitos envolvidos nesta prática cultural. Para tal fim, realizar-se-á a análise da obra dramatúrgica Amor e Ouro (1906), de autoria da militante libertária Agostina Guizzardi, ativa intelectual do movimento operário, bem como de outros escritos desta e de outros militantes do operariado rio-grandino, buscando-se, assim, estabelecer um diálogo entre as muitas vozes que compunham esta prática educativa. Nesse contexto, esta pesquisa estabelecerá um diálogo entre História e Literatura, adotando como diretrizes norteadoras os pressupostos da Nova História Cultural, referencial teórico este que alargou o campo de pesquisa histórica, abrindo espaço para a inserção de novos sujeitos e outras fontes, entre elas, o texto literário.

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The Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) from its educational process and the path taken in education, started in the year 2013, with an experimental curricular proposal by Complexes of study the School Base and the Itinerant Schools, the MST, in Paraná state. For the construction of this proposed curriculum, the movement takes the historical background and the experience of the original foundations of the single school of labor started by the working class in revolutionary Soviet period as a training proposal and school organization that comes close to the creation of collective subjects, fighters and builders of a new society and sociopolitical objectives to this social movement. The Soviet experiment reference required a work of a critical appropriation for the Brazilian context. The curriculum prescription, called Study Plan, in its introduction, includes elements of design fundamentals like: the Education Eesign and Training Matrix; Matrix detailing: School and Life, School and Labor Formative Matrix, School and Social Struggle Formative Matrix, School and Collective Organization Formative Matrix, School and Culture Formative Matrix and School and History Formative Matrix; general school guidelines: a pedagogical function of the environment, the school's political organization, school times, specific methodological aspects, sequencing and duration of Complexes of Study and the evaluation process. The Study Plan contemplates the complexes, the disciplines, the portions of reality / practice categories present in complexes, organized by semester and year, i. e., from 6th to 9th grade in elementary school. Given the the presented context, this research aims to analyze the process of testing the proposed curriculum for the Complexes of Study in Primary School of Iraci Salette Strozak State School, located in the Marcos Freire Settlement, in Rio Bonito do Iguaçu in Paraná state. As a methodological approach, we chose the qualitative approach and analysis were conducted under the Marxism perspective. Library research and field research, semi-structured interviews and analysis of documents generated in the process of construction of the proposal were made.Initially, in this paper, we discus about the path followed by the MST in the fight for schools and public education; highlighting elements of the process which led to the understanding, by the Movement, of which only the struggle for land is not enough for the realization of Agrarian Reform. Then discuss whether some elements of Pedagogy of the Movement, the concept of education and the goals for education that Social Movement, the training matrices and the potential to transform the school from a pedagogical proposal that has these elements as guiding. They present also the original foundations of Complexes Study in its historical origin and design. Is discussed about the changes and curriculum innovations, curriculum as schooling as social reproduction and presents the structure of Curriculum Proposal by Complex of Study. Forth, it is shown how the experiment occurred in basis School Iraci Salette Strozak. At this point, we propose a dialogue on the transformations in the organization of pedagogical work, discussing the elements of the proposal that are being experienced and the changes already perceived. Still, we address the issue of formation of educators and also elements relating to the challenges andadvancements encountered by the school in this area, and possible implications for the experiment.

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This dissertation comprises three chapters. The first chapter motivates the use of a novel data set combining survey and administrative sources for the study of internal labor migration. By following a sample of individuals from the American Community Survey (ACS) across their employment outcomes over time according to the Longitudinal Employer-Household Dynamics (LEHD) database, I construct a measure of geographic labor mobility that allows me to exploit information about individuals prior to their move. This enables me to explore aspects of the migration decision, such as homeownership and employment status, in ways that have not previously been possible. In the second chapter, I use this data set to test the theory that falling home prices affect a worker’s propensity to take a job in a different metropolitan area from where he is currently located. Employing a within-CBSA and time estimation that compares homeowners to renters in their propensities to relocate for jobs, I find that homeowners who have experienced declines in the nominal value of their homes are approximately 12% less likely than average to take a new job in a location outside of the metropolitan area where they currently reside. This evidence is consistent with the hypothesis that housing lock-in has contributed to the decline in labor mobility of homeowners during the recent housing bust. The third chapter focuses on a sample of unemployed workers in the same data set, in order to compare the unemployment durations of those who find subsequent employment by relocating to a new metropolitan area, versus those who find employment in their original location. Using an instrumental variables strategy to address the endogeneity of the migration decision, I find that out-migrating for a new job significantly reduces the time to re-employment. These results stand in contrast to OLS estimates, which suggest that those who move have longer unemployment durations. This implies that those who migrate for jobs in the data may be particularly disadvantaged in their ability to find employment, and thus have strong short-term incentives to relocate.

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ResumenEste artículo examina los orígenes sociales de los movimientos que desencadenaron la revuelta campesina de 1932 en el centro-occidente de El Salvador. Utiliza fuentes orales y documentales nuevas, para trazar la forma en que el reformismo, la crisis económica y el activismo de los militantes comunistas lograron romper las barreras étnicas y regionales que dividían al campesinado occidental y estimular una movilización masiva.AbstractThis article delves into the social origins of the movements that triggered the 1932 peasant revolt in the central-western region of El Salvador. The authors used new oral and documentary sources to outline the way in which reformism, the economic crisis, and the communist activism managed to break the ethnic and regional barriers that divided the western peasantry and fostered a massive mobilization.

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Introduction Schistosomiasis is endemic in 74 countries and is considered a serious public health problem in some locations. Methods A transverse study was performed of 13 landless settlements in southern Sergipe from February to December 2009. The study included 822 settlers, of whom 601 underwent stool testing. Results The prevalence of schistosomiasis in landless workers was 4.3%. The population has a low education level, and basic sanitation services are not available to all residents. Conclusions The prevalence of schistosomiasis was low in the population and among different settlements, possibly because of different forms of water use by the settlers.

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The aim of my speech is answering to the question if the Spanish Inheritance and Gift Tax is incompatible with the free movement of workers and capital. We are going to pay special attention to the European Commission’s request to Spain to change its Inheritance and Gift Tax provisions for Non-Residents or Assets held abroad. In order to answer to the question mentioned above five points will be explained. At first place I am going to describe the infrengement procedure established in the Article 258 that the EU Commission can follow when a Member State doesn’t comply with Community Law. At second place, we are going to explain what is the content of the EU Commission delivered on 5th of may 2010 regarding the spanish Inheritance and Gift Tax. Then, we will analise what establishes the Community Law regarding the freedom of workers and capital and how they are understood by the EU Court of Justice in similar cases. Finally, we are going to provide possible amendments that Spain could undertake.