Twitter e ciberativismo: o movimento social da hashtag #ForaMicarla em Natal-RN

The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace

THE INTERPLAY PERFORMANCE PRACTICE: PLAY AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN LATE CAPITALISM

Practitioners of the performance form ���InterPlay��� utilize dance, storytelling and song to build community and generate social change. I elucidate how this community of practitioners conceptualizes ���social change.��� I argue that the InterPlay social movement organizes around the application of play to performances of self in everyday life. I explore how the InterPlay non-profit corporation, Body Wisdom Inc., employs this technique to address racial justice in its organizational practices. I also examine how practitioners understand their use of this performance play in places of work, concluding that���even in these endeavors���they see social change as a process immanent to both individual people and the systems they create, not as the intervention of an autonomous external power. Ultimately, I argue that, within late capitalism, play should no longer be conceptualized as an activity separate from everyday sociality but as an immanent process of change constitutive of a socioaesthetic domain.

Twitter e ciberativismo: o movimento social da hashtag #ForaMicarla em Natal-RN

The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace

Movimiento estudiantil en Chile, aprendizaje situado y activismo digital. Compromiso, cambio social y usos tecnol��gicos adolescentes

A partir del movimiento estudiantil que surge en Chile en 2011 el art��culo reflexiona sobre la escuela como espacio de aprendizaje situado de tecnolog��as digitales audiovisuales y el modo en que este proceso puede impactar sobre la dimensi��n pol��tico-comunicacional de un movimiento social. Para ello, se describe y analiza el caso de una escuela donde la educaci��n formal en lenguajes y tecnolog��as digitales se imbrica con el uso que hacen, estudiantes secundarias que se convierten en dirigentas estudiantiles, de aplicaciones y recursos de la web social y los llamados ���social media��� (youtube, blogs, redes sociales). Se trabaja con datos generados a trav��s de entrevistas a informantes claves y una selecci��n de videos creados por el estudiantado y subidos a internet. El contenido de las entrevistas es abordado desde el concepto de aprendizaje situado (Lave y Wenger, 1991) y los videos desde el concepto de videoactivismo (Askanius, 2013; Mateos y Rajas, 2014). Los resultados muestran que el uso concreto de herramientas digitales obtenidas en contextos educativos formales y dentro de procesos de movilizaci��n, genera a su vez nuevas experiencias de aprendizaje no-formal, que permiten tanto a estudiantes como docentes reflexionar sobre sus pr��cticas y mejorar su potencial comunicativo. Asimismo, muestran un uso acr��tico de las herramientas digitales, lo cual constituye un llamado de atenci��n respecto a la necesidad de incorporar los t��picos de privacidad y autocuidado en internet dentro de los contenidos a desarrollar por la escuela como espacio de aprendizaje digital.

Movimentos sociais na contemporaneidade

The work aims to present an overview of social movements in actuality, in the Latin America, and presents a mapping of their main forms in Brazil. The search ponders the educational character of their actions, both for its participants, as for society in general and public agencies. The basic premise of assertion that social movements are sources of innovation and knowledge-generating arrays. However, because it is not an isolated process but social-political character, the paper search joints in the network of relationships that establish movements in political, economic and socio-cultural country, to understand the factors that generate learning built and values of political culture that are being built. . The text highlights movements that occurs in the areas of education - formal and non-formal education.

Enuncia����es afetadas : rela����es poss��veis entre homofobia e esporte

Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educa����o F��sica

Democracia Corinthiana : sentidos e significados da participa����o dos jogadores = Corinthians democracy : meanings and significance of the players' participation

Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educa����o F��sica

Repert��rios de a����o coletiva e a efetividade das institui����es participativas das comunica����es : o caso do coletivo intervozes

Esta pesquisa investiga a rela����o entre os repert��rios de a����o coletiva adotados por organiza����es de movimentos sociais e a efetividade das institui����es participativas (IPs) que tratam das pol��ticas de comunica����es no Brasil, ou seja, o Conselho de Comunica����o Social do Congresso Nacional (CCS) e a 1�� Confer��ncia Nacional de Comunica����o (ConfeCom). A discuss��o gira em torno das a����es implementadas pelo Coletivo Intervozes, organiza����o da sociedade civil que atua nos movimentos sociais em prol do direito �� comunica����o e de sua democratiza����o. Nesse contexto, d��-se ��nfase ��s a����es por um novo marco legal e regulat��rio das comunica����es, consideradas como resultado dos problemas de efetividade observados no CCS e na ConfeCom. O trabalho est�� dividido em quatro cap��tulos. No primeiro, o destaque �� para o Coletivo Intervozes, sua hist��ria, forma de organiza����o, al��m de seus principais eixos de atua����o e a����es. No segundo, essencialmente te��rico, enfatizam-se as defini����es conceituais que envolvem os movimentos sociais e a mudan��a institucional. O cap��tulo 3 �� dedicado �� an��lise dos problemas de efetividade nas IPs atinentes �� ��rea de comunica����es e suas rela����es com os repert��rios de a����o coletiva. Como vari��veis de an��lise, utiliza-se o acesso/representa����o da sociedade civil e as fun����es atribu��das ��s IPs. No ��ltimo cap��tulo, analisa-se as caracter��sticas do movimento social que reivindica um novo marco legal e regulat��rio das comunica����es e que surgiu como a����o alternativa ��s IPs na defesa de mudan��as institucionais para o setor. Como esta �� uma pesquisa qualitativa, as an��lises foram feitas a partir de entrevistas semiestruturadas com membros do Coletivo Intervozes e especialistas da ��rea; de acesso a documentos p��blicos produzidos pela organiza����o e a dados bibliogr��ficos, audiovisuais e sonoros referentes ao CCS e �� ConfeCom.

Sa��de e seguran��a residual : um estudo comportamental dos trabalhadores da recolha de res��duos de Ponta Delgada

Disserta����o de Mestrado em Ambiente, Sa��de e Seguran��a.

Construction of womanhood in the bengali language of Bangladesh

The subject-matter of this essay is gender justice in language which, as I argue, may be achieved through the development of a gender-related approach to linguistic human rights. The last decades of the 20th century, globally marked by a ���gender shift��� in attitudes to language policy, gave impetus to the social movement for promoting linguistic gender equality. It was initiated in Western Europe and nowadays is moving eastwards, as ideas of gender democracy progress into developing countries. But, while in western societies gender discrimination through language, or linguistic sexism, was an issue of concern for over three decades, in developing countries efforts to promote gender justice in language are only in their infancy. My argument is that to promote gender justice in language internationally it is necessary to acknowledge the rights of women and men to equal representation of their gender in language and speech and, therefore, raise a question of linguistic rights of the sexes. My understanding is that the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Linguistic Rights in 1996 provided this opportunity to address the problem of gender justice in language as a human rights issue, specifically as a gender dimension of linguistic human rights.

A performatividade dos movimentos sociais contempor��neos: disserta����o

Disserta����o submetida �� Escola Superior de Teatro e Cinema para cumprimento dos requisitos necess��rios �� obten����o do grau de Mestre em Teatro - especializa����o em Teatro e Comunidade.

O Brasil sob a lente dos Direitos Humanos : an��lise do conte��do da lei 10.216/2001

RESUMO: O Brasil em 2001 aprovou a Lei de Sa��de Mental, n�� 10.216, e vem implantando um conjunto de regulamenta����es focado na aten����o integral �� sa��de e nos Direitos Humanos. Esta pesquisa descritiva tem como intuito conhecer e identificar o conte��do desta lei, objetivando analisar a abrang��ncia e adequa����o desse conte��do a partir do Checklist da OMS (2005) destinado a assegurar os Direitos Humanos assinados em protocolos internacionais. Para tal, um grupo focal foi constitu��do com diferentes atores envolvidos com a sa��de mental no Brasil, em dois encontros, com at�� duas horas cada. O grupo realizou um debate sobre o conte��do da Lei 10.216/01, o Checklist foi o roteiro e norteador dos debates, tendo sido considerado minuciosamente cada ponto de checagem da lei. Ao final, buscou-se uma resposta-consenso do grupo a cada item. Optou-se ainda por observar outros dois dados complementares: os discursos p��blicos do deputado Paulo Delgado e a as recomenda����es da IV Confer��ncia Nacional de Sa��de Mental. A aprecia����o dos dados foi conduzida por meio de an��lise de conte��do, pela qual foi poss��vel identificar 16 temas (a partir dos 27 itens do Checklist) e organiz��-los em quatro categorias de an��lise: Te��rico-Conceitual, T��cnico-Assistencial, Jur��dico-Pol��tico e Sociocultural. Ficou evidente que o conte��do da Lei, em geral, est�� adequado por conseguir operar e sustentar boa parte das quest��es da Sa��de Mental no Brasil. O texto em si garante e promove os direitos das pessoas com sofrimento mental. Foi poss��vel identificar recomenda����es para a gest��o federal, movimento social e outros atores, tanto para aplicar e interpretar coerentemente a Lei quanto para qualificar a legisla����o que se desdobra a partir dela. Ficou evidente a import��ncia da CRPD ��� Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, cuja aplica����o �� sa��de mental tem sido pouco debatida no Brasil.-----------------ABSTRACT: In 2001 Brazil approved the Mental Health Law, number 10.216 and has been implanting, a group of regulations focused on the attention to health and Human Rights. This descriptive research intends to get to know and identify the contents of the above mentioned law, in order to analyze its scope and conformity to the OMS��� Checklist (2005) in assuring the Human Rights signed in international protocols. For such a proposition, a focal checking group was formed by different actors involved in mental health in Brazil, in two meetings, during average to two hours each. The group has realized a debate on the contents of the Law 10.216/2001, the Checklist from OMS, was the script and the north for the debates considering each check point of the law. At the end, a consensual group answer was given to each of the items on the checklist. Decided to observe two other complementary data: the public speeches by Deputy Paulo Delgado and the recommendations of the IV National Conference on Mental health. The Data appreciation, conducted through the analysis of the contents: it was possible to identify 17 themes (based on the 27 items on the Checklist) and organize them into four categories: Theoretical-Conceptual, Technical-Assistance, Legal-Politics and Sociocultural. It is clear that generally the law���s content is adequate; it can operate and sustain a big part of the mental health issues in Brazil. The text itself ensures and promotes the rights of the ones with mental disorder. It was possible to identify recommendations for the federal management, social movement and other actors, both to apply and interpret the law consistently as to qualify the legislation that unfolds from it. It was evident the importance of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities-CRPD, whose application to mental health have been little debated in Brazil.

Conscious procreation: neo-malthusianism in southern Europe and Latin America in around 1900

One main concern of Ecological Economics is the balance between human population and natural resources. This is rightly named the Malthusian question because Malthus predicted that human populations, if unchecked, would grow exponentially while agricultural production (and other land-based productions) would be subject to decreasing returns to the labour input. This article shows that over one hundred years ago, there was in Europe and America a successful social movement that called itself Neo-Malthusianism. In contrast to Malthus��� pessimism, it believed that population growth could be stopped among the poor classes by voluntary decisions. Women were entitled to choose the number of children they wanted to have. The movement did not appeal to the State to impose restrictions on population growth. On the contrary, in Southern Europe it was based on "bottom up" activism against governments and the Catholic Church.

Adapting dating violence prevention to francophone Switzerland: a story of intra-western cultural differences.

Dating violence prevention programs, which originated in the United States, are beginning to be implemented elsewhere. This article presents the first adaptation of a violence prevention program for a European culture, Francophone Switzerland. A U.S. dating violence prevention program, Safe Dates (Foshee & Langwick, 1994), was reviewed in 19 youth and 4 professional focus groups. The most fundamental program concepts--"dating" and "violence"--are not the same in Switzerland and the United States. Swiss youth were not very focused on establishing monogamous romantic relationships, and there is no ready translation for "dating." Violence has not become the focus of a social movement in Switzerland to the same extent that it has in the United States, and distinctions among terms such as "dating violence" and "domestic violence" are not well known. Psychoeducational approaches are also less common in the Swiss context. As the movement to prevent violence extends worldwide, these issues need greater consideration.

On Strong Citizens: A Sociological View on Cognitions and Contentious Participation

The present thesis is about cognitions of left-wing activists and the role they play to better understand contentious participation. It compares activists of three post-industrial social movement organizations in Switzerland, i.e. Solidarity across Borders defending migrant's rights, the Society of Threatened People promoting collective human rights and Greenpeace protecting the environment. It makes use of an innovative mixed methods design combining survey and interview data. The main theoretical contribution is to conceptualize an analytical tool enabling to grasp the cognitive map of these activists by putting forward the concept of strong citizen, summing up their relation to society and politics. The relation to society consists of an extensive relation to others and an interconnected vision of society. Consequently, their primary concerns include the handing of common goods and the equal treatment of individuals with regard to common goods. The relation to politics incorporates a critical and vigilant citizen. They are critical towards political authorities and they appreciate political action by organized groups of the civil society. The thesis states that only by having such worldviews activists are able to construct an injustice, agency and identity frame for the claims of their organizations. Thus, the present work delivers a parsimonious answer to the question of where an injustice, agency and identity frame comes from. It does so by a systematic analysis of four specific arguments. First, it empirically demonstrates that these activists have - at the aggregate level - specific cognitive resources compared to the general population. Second, it describes the content of this specific cognitive outlook by evaluating the appropriateness of the strong citizen concept. Third, it looks at variations between activist's communities and shows that activists of more challenging protest issues are stronger citizens than activists of more mainstream protests. Finally, cognitions are not the only part of the story if one looks at contentious participation. Other factors, i.e. social networks and biographical availability, matter too. Therefore, I test if cognitions are able to contribute in explaining differences between activists' communities if one controls for other factors. In sum, this thesis is thus a first step to demonstrate why one should be concerned about activists' cognitions. - Cette th��se s'int��resse aux cognitions des activistes de gauche et �� leur r��le dans le ph��nom��ne de la participation contestataire. Des activistes de trois organisations post- industrielles en Suisse sont compar��, �� savoir Solidarit�� sans Fronti��res qui d��fend les droits des migrants, la Soci��t�� des Peuples menac��s qui promeut les droits des collectivit��s minoritaires et Greenpeace qui oeuvre pour la protection de l'environnement. Cette recherche utilise un �� mixed methods design �� en combinant de mani��re innovant des donn��es de sondage et d'entretiens. Ma principale contribution th��orique r��side dans la conceptualisation d'un outil analytique qui permet de saisir la �� carte cognitive �� des activistes, �� travers le concept de �� strong citizen �� qui se r��f��re �� la relation sp��cifique qu'entretiennent certains individus avec la soci��t�� et la politique. Ces individus sont caract��ris��s par une vision inclusive et interconnect��e de la soci��t��, ainsi que par une conception politique du citoyen comme critique et vigilant. Mon argument principal est celui selon lequel seuls les individus poss��dant ce type particulier de cognitions sont capable de construire un cadre d'injustice, d'�� agency �� et d'identit��. Cette th��se apporte donc quelques ��l��ments de r��ponse �� la question de l'origine de ces cadres cognitifs qui sont cruciales pour la participation. Pour ce faire, quatre aspects sp��cifiques sont analys��s de mani��re syst��matique. Premi��rement, je d��montre empiriquement, au niveau agr��g��, que ces activistes poss��dent effectivement des ressources cognitives sp��cifiques - en comparaison avec la population g��n��rale. Deuxi��mement, j'analyse le contenu de ces cognitions, ce qui me permet notamment d'��valuer la pertinence et l'ad��quation du concept de �� strong citizen ��. Troisi��mement, en m'int��ressant cette fois aux variations entre communaut��s d'activistes, je d��montre que ceux r��unis autour d'enjeux protestataires tr��s revendicatifs sont, d'un point de vue cognitif, plus proches de la figure du �� strong citizen �� que ceux mobilis��s sur des enjeux plus consensuels. Finalement, d'autres facteurs, �� savoir les r��seaux sociaux et la disponibilit�� biographique, sont int��gr��s �� l'analyse afin de mesurer le r��el pouvoir explicatif des cognitions dans l'explication des diff��rences observ��es entre communaut��s d'activistes. A travers ces analyses, cette th��se met en avant l'importance du r��le des cognitions dans l'��tude de la participation contestataire.