793 resultados para Socio-political education
Resumo:
El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar cómo la dictadura de Primo de Rivera llevó a cabo la reforma de la enseñanza industrial del joven obrero a través del Estatuto de Enseñanza Industrial de 1924 y del Estatuto de Formación Profesional de 1928, dentro de la órbita ideológica del “modernismo reaccionario”. La dictadura primorriverista se encontraba en una época influida por las consecuencias de la Gran Guerra y empezaba a percibir la formación profesional técnica-industrial como un mecanismo de adoctrinamiento de la juventud obrera, a partir del cual se podía construir una identidad nacional y profesional, a la vez que modernizar la industria nacional. Por ello, la dictadura de Primo de Rivera decidió centralizar todos los canales de formación industrial del joven obrero a través de un nuevo plan de estudios técnico e industrial dentro de las escuelas industriales y de trabajo. Así intentaba controlar al movimiento obrero, formar una clase media de técnicos industriales, satisfacer las necesidades económicas del país, al mismo tiempo que mantener la jerarquización socio-política tradicional. Pero la aplicación de este proyecto educativo durante la Segunda República no cumplió con las expectativas ideológicas y políticas de la dictadura de Primo de Rivera.
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In the decade since the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power, Turkey’s economy has become synonymous with success and well-implemented reforms. Economic development has been the basis of both socio-political stability inside the country and of an ambitious foreign policy agenda pursued by the AKP. However, the risks associated with a series of unresolved issues are becoming increasingly apparent. These include the country’s current account deficit, its over-reliance on short-term external financing, and unfinished reforms, for example of the education sector. This leaves Turkey exposed to over-dependence on investors, especially from the West. Consequently, Ankara has become a hostage of its own image as an economically successful state with a stable socio-political system. Any changes to this image would cause capital flight, as exemplified by the outflow of portfolio investment1 and an increase in the cost of external debt2 that followed the nationwide protests over the proposed closure of Gezi Park last summer. In addition, Turkey remains vulnerable to potential changes in investor sentiment towards emerging markets.
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Since mid-2015 Turkey has been affected by a deep internal crisis, caused by rising political polarisation, increased levels of terrorist threat (posed by the Kurds and Islamic radicals) and the revived conflict with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). As a consequence of this crisis, over 350,000 residents of south-eastern Turkey have been forced to leave their homes. At the same time, due to the migration crisis and despite mutual distrust in relations between Turkey and the EU, cooperation between Ankara and Brussels has been intensifying. Turkey’s ongoing destabilisation does not challenge the status of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which is de facto controlled by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan; paradoxically, it strengthens the party. The internal crisis which the authorities have been deliberately fuelling is an element of a plan to rubber-stamp political change by introducing a presidential system of government. This is happening amid a thorough reconstruction of the socio-political order which has been underway for over a decade. In the upcoming months it is expected to result in the constitution being changed and, as a consequence, the institutionalisation of Erdoğan’s autocratic rule.
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L’action collective raisonnée, connue sous le nom d’activisme, orientée vers la résolution de problèmes de la société, offre des possibilités d'apprentissage tout au long de la vie et permet aux étudiants de développer des connaissances du domaine de la science et de la technologie. Dans une société où les découvertes scientifiques et les progrès technologiques sont constants, les potentialités de cette approche sont également reconnues dans la formation de citoyens responsables, capables d'agir et de résoudre des problèmes, tout en essayant d'influencer d'autres citoyens à prendre des décisions sur les problèmes complexes tels que ceux que présentent les questions socialement vives. Considérant que la formation de jeunes et d’adultes plus responsables et scientifiquement informés est fondamentale, cette recherche-action visait: a) à munir les futurs enseignants de compétences dans la conception, la mise en oeuvre et l'évaluation des activités orientées vers l'action sociopolitique sur les questions socialement vives; b) promouvoir chez les participants les valeurs de citoyenneté et de sensibilisation à l'environnement; c) identifier les difficultés et le potentiel de ces initiatives; d) comprendre l'impact de ce type d'expérience éducative chez les futurs enseignants. Les participants à l'étude étaient des étudiants préparant une licence en éducation élémentaire (futurs professeurs des écoles primaires et maternelles) dans le contexte de la discipline d’Éducation à l’Environnement. L'analyse des narratives produites par les futurs enseignants a permis de constater que tous avaient développé des compétences au niveau de la planification et de l'intervention dans la société, en recourant à différents types d'initiatives. Cette expérience de formation a ainsi permis, aux participants le développement de capacités à l'action et à la transformation sociale et environnementale. Il a également été possible de sensibiliser le public-cible des actions réalisées par les futurs enseignants à agir de façon plus responsable sur l'environnement.
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This manuscript is based on a PhD thesis submitted at the Institute of Social Anthropology at the University of Bern in 2014. The dissertation was part of the research project „Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region and Chinese Territoriality. The Development of Infrastructure and Han Migration into the Region“ under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Heinzpeter Znoj and financed by the Swiss National Science Foundation SNSF. Madlen Kobi analyzes the architectural and socio-political transformation of public places and spaces in rapidly urbanizing southern Xinjiang, P.R. China, and in doing so pays particular attention to the cities of Aksu and Kaxgar. As the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region lies in between China and Central Asia, it is especially characterized by differing political, cultural, and religious influences, and, furthermore, due to its being a multiethnic region, by multiple identities. One might expect cultural and social identities in this area to be negotiated by referring to history, religion, or food. However, they also become visible by the construction and reconstruction, if not demolition, of public places, architectural landmarks, and private residences. Based on ethnographic fieldwork performed in 2011 and 2012, the study explores everyday life in a continuously transforming urban environment shaped by the interaction of the interests of government institutions, investment companies, the middle class, and migrant workers, among many other actors. Here, urban planning, modernization, and renewal form a highly sensitive lens through which the author inspects the tense dynamics of ethnic, religious, and class-based affiliations. She respects varieties and complexities while thoroughly grounding unfolding transformation processes in everyday lived experiences. The study provides vivid insights into how urban places and spaces in this western border region of China are constructed, created, and eventually contested.
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El presente trabajo se propone abordar una serie de parlamentos indígenas (considerados ámbitos de consenso) realizados en los espacios de Pampa y Patagonia a finales del siglo XIX. El objetivo del artículo es realizar un análisis socio-político sobre estos ámbitos de consenso para identificar cuáles son los actores que participan en ella, tratando de interpretar algunas características que hacen a la dinámica política y a las estrategias políticas que llevan adelante algunos grupos étnicos con sus respectivos líderes. Por otra parte, y desde un punto de vista metodológico, el trabajo se focaliza en realizar un análisis comparativo sobre los parlamentos indígenas que se llevan adelante, sincrónicamente, en un espacio y en otro para de esta forma evitar generalizaciones sobre el objeto de estudio
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A variety of texts are translated to fulfil functions for political communication across languages, cultures, and ideologies. For example, newspapers regularly provide quotes of statements by foreign politicians, without explicitly indicating that these politicians were actually speaking in their own languages. Politicians react to statements by other politicians as they were presented to them in translation. Political scientists and other experts often debate the potential political consequences of (the translation of) a statement. This chapter addresses the (in)visibility of translation in political communication and the link between textual profiles of translations and the socio-political contexts in which they are produced. The analyses are conducted from the perspective of Translation Studies. The focus is on institutionalised forms of political discourse, i.e. texts that originate in political or media institutions. The link between translation profiles and the social, institutional, ideological conditions of text production is illustrated with reference to authentic political texts (interviews, speeches by politicians, press conferences), mainly involving English, French and German as source and target languages.
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Allocation procedures, have attracted considerable interest among higher education institutions in recent years. Relevant previous research indicates that several universities adopt different approaches to the resource allocation problem, employing models and procedures that reflect their organisational arrangements and their internal socio – political dynamics. We argue that while studying accounting processes in their organisational context, the role of trust should also be considered carefully. In particular, it is very important to consider the attitudes of the individuals involved and interacting within organisational processes, and especially the trust between them, which plays an important role to the overall good governance of these processes. In our study, the role of interpersonal trust in an old Scottish University resource allocation process is examined. The study indicates that trust is a very necessary insight to the facilitation of social structures of accountability that enhance a better governance of the resource allocation process.
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The objective of this study was to provide empirical evidence on the effects of relative price uncertainty and political instability on private investment. My effort is expressed in a single-equation model using macroeconomic and socio-political data from eight Latin American countries for the period 1970–1996. Relative price uncertainty is measured by the implied volatility of the exchange rate and political instability is measured by using indicators of social unrest and political violence. ^ I found that, after controlling for other variables, relative price uncertainty and political instability are negatively associated with private investment. Macroeconomic and political stability are key ingredients for the achievement of a strong investment response. This highlights the need to develop the state and build a civil society in which citizens can participate in decision-making and express consent without generating social turmoil. At the same time the government needs to implement structural policies along with relative price adjustments to eliminate excess volatility in price movements in order to provide a stable environment for investment. ^
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Nous proposons une discussion sur la diversité des outils et arrangements institutionnels qui sont mobilisés pour mettre en oeuvre les politiques d’accountability. Nous présentons d’abord les dimensions communes de ces politiques mais aussi la diversité des formes qu’elles revêtent dans divers contextes. Nous discutons ensuite les typologies existantes de ces politiques et leurs limites avant de développer notre proposition de typologie évolutive des politiques et instruments d’accountability dans une troisième section. L’analyse de l’évolution des outils mobilisés par les pouvoirs publics nous permet ainsi de cerner ce qui fait la nouveauté des « nouvelles » politiques d’accountability, et d'en dégager les significations et les enjeux socio-politiques actuels.
Resumo:
Nous proposons une discussion sur la diversité des outils et arrangements institutionnels qui sont mobilisés pour mettre en oeuvre les politiques d’accountability. Nous présentons d’abord les dimensions communes de ces politiques mais aussi la diversité des formes qu’elles revêtent dans divers contextes. Nous discutons ensuite les typologies existantes de ces politiques et leurs limites avant de développer notre proposition de typologie évolutive des politiques et instruments d’accountability dans une troisième section. L’analyse de l’évolution des outils mobilisés par les pouvoirs publics nous permet ainsi de cerner ce qui fait la nouveauté des « nouvelles » politiques d’accountability, et d'en dégager les significations et les enjeux socio-politiques actuels.
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This article inquires into a neglected but crucial feature of the works of Lorenzo Luzuriaga: his analysis and criticism of the processes of internationalisation in education which marked the post- Second World War period and which coincided with his long Argentine exile. In particular, the article analyses – through a discussion of his initial appreciation and following criticisms in regard to UNESCO’s normative guidelines and educative practices – the philosophical premises and the political implications of his last educative proposals. These will be shown to be conceived in tight connection and continuity with his preceding works. Moreover, this investigation will permit to recognize the remarkable contribution he offered to the enhancement of José Ortega y Gasset’s pedagogical theory within a changed political context characterised by a unique attempt of defining and institutionalising new values for a global education aimed to promote world peace.A paradigmatic historical event that still grounds the current debate on the nature and purposes of citizenship education and in which the active, social and political education proposed by Luzuriaga still constitutes an interesting critical reference
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Der Beitrag gibt einen kurzen Einblick in ein neues Masterprogramm zu Global Citizenship Education und die damit verbundene Konzeptentwicklung, die sich um eine enge Verknüpfung von Globalem Lernen, Politischer Bildung und Friedenspädagogik bemüht. Dabei werden auch Spannungsfelder und Perspektiven für Kompetenzorientierung und -entwicklung in einer global orientierten politischen Bildung beleuchtet. (DIPF/Orig.)
Resumo:
A growing body of research has argued that university citizenship curricula are inefficient in promoting civic participation, while there is a tendency towards a broader citizenship understanding and new forms of civic engagements and citizenship learning in everyday life. The notion of cultural citizenship in this thesis concentrates on media practices’ relation to civic expression and civic engagement. This research thus argues that not enough attention has been paid to the effects of citizenship education policy on students and students’ active citizenship learning in China. This thesis examines the civic experience of university students in China in the parallel contexts of widespread adoption of mass media and of university citizenship education courses, which have been explicitly mandatory for promoting civic morality education in Chinese universities since 2007. This research project raises significant questions about the meditating influences of these two contexts on students’ perceptions of civic knowledge and civic participation, with particular interest to examine whether and how the notion of cultural citizenship could be applied in the Chinese context and whether it could provide certain implications for citizenship education in China. University students in one university in Beijing contributed to this research by providing both quantitative and qualitative data collected from mixed-methods research. 212 participants contributed to the questionnaire data collection and 12 students took part in interviews. Guided by the theoretical framework of cultural citizenship, a central focus of this study is to explore whether new forms of civic engagement and civic learning and a new direction of citizenship understanding can be identified among university students’ mass media use. The study examines the patterns of students’ mass media use and its relationship to civic participation, and also explores the ways in which mass media shape students and how they interact and perform through the media use. In addition, this study discusses questions about how national context, citizenship tradition and civic education curricula relate to students’ civic perceptions, civic participation and civic motivation in their enactment of cultural citizenship. It thus tries to provide insights and identify problems associated with citizenship courses in Chinese universities. The research finds that Chinese university students can also identify civic issues and engage in civic participation through the influence of mass media, thus indicating the application of cultural citizenship in the wider higher education arena in China. In particular, the findings demonstrate that students’ citizenship knowledge has been influenced by their entertainment experiences with TV programs, social networks and movies. However, the study argues that the full enactment of cultural citizenship in China is conditional with regards to characteristics related to two prerequisites: the quality of participation and the influence of the public sphere in the Chinese context. Most students in the study are found to be inactive civic participants in their everyday lives, especially in political participation. Students express their willingness to take part in civic activities, but they feel constrained by both the current citizenship education curriculum in universities and the strict national policy framework. They mainly choose to accept ideological and political education for the sake of personal development rather than to actively resist it, however, they employ creative ways online to express civic opinions and conduct civic discussion. This can be conceptualised as the cultural dimension of citizenship observed from students who are not passively prescribed by traditional citizenship but who have opportunities to build their own civic understanding in everyday life. These findings lead to the conclusion that the notion of cultural citizenship not only provides a new mode of civic learning for Chinese students but also offers a new direction for configuring citizenship in China. This study enriches the existing global literature on cultural citizenship by providing contemporary evidence from China which is a developing democratic country, as well as offering useful information for Chinese university practitioners, policy makers and citizenship researchers on possible directions for citizenship understanding and citizenship education. In particular, it indicates that it is important for efforts to be made to generate a culture of authentic civic participation for students in the university as well as to promote the development of the public sphere in the community and the country generally.
Resumo:
A garantia da memória histórica do ensino em nível profissionalizante em enfermagem, na década de 1970, foi o objeto dessa investigação. Teve como objetivos descrever e analisar o contexto sócio-político e as circunstâncias históricas em que a Lei nº 5.692, de 12 de agosto de 1971, das Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional, foi promulgada, bem como discutir as mudanças e desdobramentos dessa no ensino profissionalizante em enfermagem. Trata-se de estudo descritivo, qualitativo, exploratório e de natureza histórico-social, com base em análise documental. Optou-se pela Micro-história para dar sustentação teórica à discussão dos resultados dessa investigação, pois a análise dos documentos históricos, sob o prisma de que, embora não seja possível enxergar a sociedade inteira a partir de um fragmento social, é possível enxergar algo da realidade social que envolve o fragmento humano examinado. A delimitação das fontes históricas do estudo compreende o Acervo do Arquivo Histórico da Associação Brasileira de Enfermagem - Seção São Paulo; o Acervo documental sobre a ABEn/SP, existente no Centro Histórico Cultural da Enfermagem Ibero-Americana da Escola de Enfermagem da USP e a Série Documenta do Ministério da Educação e Cultura. A partir dessa LDB nº 5.692/71, o ensino de Enfermagem foi totalmente integrado ao sistema nacional de Educação e sua promulgação ocorreu durante a Ditadura Militar e a ideologia do “milagre econômico”. De acordo com essa ideologia, o sistema educacional brasileiro deveria adequar-se ao modelo econômico desenvolvimentista, com treinamento de pessoal de nível técnico, visando aumentar e baratear os recursos humanos para o trabalho. A ABEn, como entidade representativa dos interesses políticos e ideológicos dos profissionais da área, liderava os debates sobre as questões da formação dos recursos humanos na enfermagem, sendo que na década de 70 mais da metade do contingente de enfermagem era majoritariamente sem formação específica. Também por conta dessa realidade, houve iniciativas governamentais para tentar reverter essa situação. Apesar das questões do ensino da enfermagem não se encontrarem explicitadas no texto da LDB nº 5.692/71, os resultados deste trabalho revelaram que a legislação estudada teve desdobramentos nas decisões políticas no âmbito do ensino profissionalizante e, consequentemente, impactou sobre a formação dos profissionais de enfermagem.