875 resultados para Social assistance supervision


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This study presents different modalities of ethics - guardianship, interlocution, social action, care and finally the ethics of listening to the subject's unconscious desire - as analyzers of the care practices conducted by psychologists in the field of Social Assistance. In an institutional approach, cases found in the literature are presented, in a questioning way, which can be considered examples of the practices performed by psychologists and other workers who operate in a wide variety of healthcare establishments. It was concluded that psychologists may encounter, in the field of Freudian/Lacanian psychoanalysis, consistent theoretical-technical and ethical-political instrumentals to guide institutional performance in an effective and informed way so as to include the individual as a citizen and also as the subject of the unconscious.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Pós-graduação em Psicologia - FCLAS

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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

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Rumiana Stoilova (Bulgaria). Social Policy Facing the Problems of Youth Employment. Ms. Stoilova is a researcher in the Institute of Sociology in Sofia and worked on this project from October 1996 to September 1998. This project involved collecting both statistical and empirical data on the state of youth employment in Bulgaria, which was then compared with similar data from other European countries. One significant aspect was the parallel investigation of employment and unemployment, which took as a premise the continuity of professional experience where unemployment is just a temporary condition caused by external and internal factors. These need to be studied and changed on a systematic basis so as to create a more favourable market situation and to improve individuals' resources for improving their market opportunities. A second important aspect of the project was an analysis of the various entities active on the labour market, including government and private institutions, associations of unemployed persons, of employers or of trade unions, all with their specific legal powers and interests, and of the problems in communication between these. The major trends in youth unemployment during the period studied include a high proportion of the registered unemployed who are not eligible for social assistance, a lengthening of the average period of unemployment, an increase in the percentage of people who are unemployed for the first time and an increasing percentage of these who are not eligible for assistance, particularly among newly registered young people. At the same time the percentage of those for who work has been found is rising and during the last three years an increasing number of the unemployed have started some independent economic activity. Regional differences are also considerable and in the case of the Haskovo region represent a danger of losing the youngest generation, with resulting negative demographic effects. One major weakness of the existing institutional structure is the large scale of the black labour market, with clear negative implications for the young people drawn into it. The role of non-governmental organisations in providing support and information for the unemployed is growing and the government has recently introduced special preferences for organisations offering jobs to unemployed persons. Social policy in the labour market has however been largely restricted to passive measures, mostly because of the risk that poverty poses to people continuously excluded from the labour market. Among the active measures taken, well over half are concerned with providing jobs for the unemployed and there are very limited programmes for providing or improving qualifications. The nature of youth employment in Bulgaria can be seen in the influence of sustained structures (generation) and institutions (family and school). Ms. Stoilova studied the situation of the modern generation through a series of profiles, mostly those of continuously unemployed and self-employed persons, but also distinguishing between students and the unemployed, and between high school and university students. The different categories of young people were studied in separate mini-studies and the survey was carried out in five town in order to gather objective and subjective information on the state of the labour market in the different regions. She conducted interviews with several hundred young people covering questions of family background, career plans, attitudes to the labour situation and government measures to deal with it, and such questions as independence, mobility, attitude to work, etc. The interviews with young people unemployed for a long period of time show the risk involved in starting work and its link with dynamics of economic development. Their approval of structural reforms, of the financial restrictions connected with the introduction of a currency board and the inevitability of unemployment was largely declarative. The findings indicate that the continuously unemployed need practical knowledge and skills to "translate" the macroeconomic realities in concrete alternatives of individual work and initiative. The unemployed experience their exclusion from the labour market not only as a professional problem but also as an existential threat, of poverty, forced mobility and dependence on their parents' generation. The exclusion from the market of goods and services means more than just exercising restraint in their consumption, as it places restrictions on their personal development. Ms. Stoilova suggests that more efficient ways of providing financial aid and mobilisation are needed to counteract the social disintegration and marginalisation of the continuously unemployed. In measuring the speed of reform, university students took both employment opportunities and the implementation of the meritocratic principle in employment into account. When offered a hypothetical choice between a well-paid job and work in one's own profession, 62% would prefer opt for the well-paid job and for working for a company that offered career opportunities rather than employment in a family or own company. While most see the information gained during their studies as useful and interesting, relatively few see their education as competitive on a wider level and many were pessimistic about employment opportunities based on their qualifications. Very similar attitudes were found among high school students, with differences being due rather to family and personal situations. The unemployed, on the other hand, placed greater emphasis on possibilities of gaining or improving qualifications on a job and for the opportunities it would offer for personal contacts. High school students tend to attribute more significance to opportunities for personal accomplishment. A significant difference that five times fewer high school students were willing to work for state-owned companies, and many fewer expected to find permanent employment or to find a job in the area where they lived, Within the family situation, actual support for children seems to be higher than the feelings of confidence expressed in interviews. The attitudes of the families towards past experience seems to be linked with their ability to cope with the difficulties of the present, with those families which show an optimistic and active attitude towards the future having a greater respect for parents experience and tolerance in communication between parents and children.

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This article argues that there is a discrepancy between the perception of social realities held by professionals of welfare (school teachers and social workers) in Sweden and the social realities of migrants, especially migrants depending on social assistance. The views held by professionals are rooted in an old model of social integration within the framework of the nation-state. This perception contrasts with the life conditions, expressed here in the consumption practices of migrant families who, in their daily life, are linked to both local and transnational places. Consumption is an “old question” that has been linked both to poverty and immigration. The article is focusing not on consumption as such; instead on consumption as an illustration of the mismatch existing between the professionals’ view and the migrants’ description of their own consumption. The analysis is based on a qualitative study including interviews with migrant families and welfare officers in a neighbourhood in Malmoe, a city in the South of Sweden with some 300,000 inhabitants, of which 29 % are born outside Sweden.

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Beginning after World War II, Argentina institutionalized a limited conservative corporatist welfare state where occupation-linked social insurance held a central position and social assistance had a residual character. This was called a limited conservative corporatist welfare state, because the huge population within the informal sector was excluded from the main system. A populist government supported by trade unions and the economic model of import-substituting industrialization were the background for the formation of this type of welfare state. During the 1990s, elements of a liberal regime were added to the Argentine welfare state under the reform carried out by the Menem Peronist government. However, social insurance reform and labor reform were not as drastic as the economic reform. They still retained a certain continuity from the traditional systems. The government intended to carry out more drastic social security and labor reform, but was unable to do so due to the legacy of corporatism of the Peronist government.

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A centralidade na família é uma das principais diretrizes adotadas pela Política Nacional de Assistência Social (PNAS) implementada por meio do Sistema Único de Assistência Social (SUAS). A noção de matricialidade sociofamiliar configura-se como base para a formulação de serviços específicos de abordagem familiar nos níveis de proteção social básica e especial, que visam o acompanhamento longitudinal de famílias em situação de vulnerabilidade social, definida neste contexto pela condição de desvantagem em decorrência da pobreza, da privação de renda e de acesso aos serviços e bens públicos, da fragilização de vínculos afetivos, relacionais e de pertencimento. Objetivou-se com esse estudo identificar como as mulheres usuárias do SUAS percebiam e definiam as vulnerabilidades do próprio núcleo familiar, assim como verificar se a concepção de vulnerabilidade social proposta pela PNAS é condizente com as problemáticas apresentadas pelas famílias usuárias do SUAS. A pesquisa qualitativa foi executada por meio de entrevistas de longa duração com temas advindos da observação participante realizada ao longo de três anos de acompanhamento de mulheres usuárias do SUAS por meio de abordagem grupal em serviço de Assistência Social do bairro do Butantã na cidade de São Paulo. Participaram do estudo oito mulheres, acima de 18 anos, usuárias do SUAS e residentes da zona oeste de São Paulo. As depoentes têm entre 35 e 51 anos de idade, estudaram entre a 5ª e a 8ª série do Ensino Fundamental II, cinco delas são migrantes, quatro vivem com os companheiros e filhos e quatro residem com os filhos em uma organização familiar monoparental, três são beneficiárias da Previdência Social, duas estão inseridas em trabalhos formais, duas em trabalhos informais e uma não trabalha. Todas relataram ter sofrido episódios de violência e violação de direitos, principalmente observados na dificuldade de acesso a serviços sociais básicos. Os depoimentos marcaram dificuldades experimentadas ao longo da vida das mulheres e a tônica dos relatos destacou as preocupações atreladas ao papel de mãe e à luta cotidiana que enfrentam para educar, orientar, sustentar e estar junto aos filhos, sobretudo daqueles que se encontram na fase da infância e da adolescência. À luz da noção de enraizamento, proposta por Simone Weil, foi possível identificar que as depoentes apresentam e enfrentam cotidianamente dificuldades ligadas ao desenraizamento urbano, elucidado especialmente na carência de participação comunitária e política. Nesse cenário, a condição de vulnerabilidade pela qual as famílias são definidas no âmbito da política de assistência social, revela certa ambiguidade, pois ao mesmo tempo em que permite oferecer a essas famílias alguma modalidade de apoio também as coloca numa posição estigmatizada de beneficiárias das políticas públicas. Com isso, considerou-se que apesar da concepção de vulnerabilidade proposta pela PNAS ser condizente com as problemáticas apresentadas pelas usuárias, verifica-se uma lacuna em relação à dimensão subjetiva da formação de cada grupo familiar e suas necessidades específicas a fim de apoiá-los para a promoção de uma mudança efetiva

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O texto analisa o projeto social da Igreja Metodista no bairro do Brás junto aos imigrantes Bolivianos. Revisa-se a literatura sobre as primeiras movimentações com imigrantes no Brasil para focar logo, o bairro do Brás, a Igreja Metodista e o projeto com imigrantes Bolivianos. A origem do bairro do Brás, sua importância e a sua relação histórica com movimentação migratória fazem parte das reflexões. O surgimento da igreja e suas características missionárias são apresentados antes de um aprofundamento no estudo do projeto social com os Bolivianos. Revisa-se a relação entre a igreja e os imigrantes americanos e europeus que chegaram ao Brasil no final do século XIX. A partir de 1980 inicia-se o fenômeno do crescimento da presença do imigrante boliviano nos bairros centrais da metrópole paulista, e como consequência desta presença, há cerca de dez anos a Igreja Metodista desenvolve o projeto visando dar assistência social e religiosa aos filhos e filhas de imigrantes Bolivianos. Para o estudo dessa questão realizou-se a pesquisa de campo e aplicação de entrevistas de questionário aos responsáveis pelo projeto, um casal que acompanha o projeto desde seu início, três pastores, sendo um deles de origem boliviana e quatro jovens Bolivianos que participam do projeto. Na pesquisa detectam-se fatos e informações relevantes para a análise critica em relação a preconceitos, limitações na comunicação, na integração cultural, falta de um planejamento estratégico entre outros aspectos burocráticos característicos da organização interna da Igreja Metodista. O desenvolvimento do contexto urbano do bairro do Brás, a procura de assistência social por parte do imigrante Boliviano e os limites estruturais da igreja aparecem como novos desafios à tradição e pratica missionária da Igreja Metodista.