914 resultados para Social Order
Resumo:
Los actores involucrados dentro de los proyectos de exploración y perforación de pozos petroleros son variados y tienen necesidades diferentes. El éxito y satisfactorio desarrollo de los proyectos va ligado en gran medida a temas de orden social entre los diferentes actores, que están definidos por regulaciones legislativas, de costumbres comerciales y culturales, políticas de responsabilidad social y procedimientos internos de las compañías involucradas (Operadoras, Prestadoras de Servicios Petroleros, Contratistas y Subcontratistas) Después de analizar la situación de la industria, los resultados de Halliburton SRL Sucursal Colombia, los problemas y sobrecostos generados por temas de orden social. Se identificó que la mayoría de ellos eran causados por falta de comunicación, desconocimiento de elementos clave de las políticas de responsabilidad social de los clientes, desconocimiento de la importancia de la responsabilidad social como práctica y desconocimiento de la normatividad legal vigente aplicable a la industria y a la actividad que desarrolla la compañía. De las necesidades y problemáticas descritas anteriormente surge la idea de crear una herramienta que permita llenar los vacíos de información identificados, alinear a las partes involucradas dentro del proceso y ser una guía para el inicio, desarrollo y cierre de proyectos de exploración y perforación de pozos petroleros que desarrolle Halliburton con sus clientes.
Resumo:
El «poder republicano» en el Ecuador, durante los siglos XIX y XX ha representado de opuestas maneras el espacio de frontera con Colombia («el hermano del Norte») y con Perú («el enemigo», «Caín de América»), representaciones que han generado discursos de soberanía, cuya función es buscar la construcción de un orden social, la implantación de «leyes» (de la Iglesia, el Estado). Por otro lado, las fronteras, sobre todo surorientales, eran representadas como espacios indeterminados («zonas baldías», ignotas, peligrosas, con una débil o nula presencia estatal), y sus habitantes, como «salvajes». Todo ello generó otro tipo de discursos: los civilizatorios, que buscaban misionar, colonizar y concesionar (esto es, ceder el control de territorios baldíos a compañías e inversionistas extranjeros, para que se hicieran cargo de la explotación de recursos naturales y la administración de los mismos). Si bien las diferencias entre los discursos se difuminan, los imaginarios de los que se parte (en relación con los territorios baldíos y zonas de frontera) se mantienen y reconstituyen durante el siglo XX. Ambos son retóricas que contribuyen al desconocimiento y negación de la realidad de estas zonas.
Resumo:
La autora destaca la influencia de los “diarios perdidos” de Manuela Sáenz sobre el Diario de Paita (editado por Carlos Álvarez Saá), la biografía publicitada por el Museo Manuela Sáenz en Quito y la película venezolana de Diego Rísquez. Por otro lado, señala que la imagen de Sáenz ha sido apropiada como símbolo de causas cívicas o feministas, predominando la imagen de una atrevida transgresora de las normas de género, sexualmente pervertida, perturbadora del orden social. No obstante, el Museo y la película de Rísquez la presentarían como alguien honorable, e insistirían en la perseverancia del amor y lealtad de Sáenz a Bolívar. Hennes señala, además, que Rísquez trata las cuestiones de género y sexualidad respetando la complejidad e integridad de la Sáenz fílmica y de la histórica, que su performance de género le permite navegar los espacios masculinos y femeninos, para gozar de cierta agencia política y social en el círculo de Bolívar. Habría en la película y el Diario un lugar común, que no aparece en la literatura del Museo: la representación de Bolívar como figura trágica. Pese a sus discrepancias, los textos mencionados contribuyen a la construcción continua del ícono político, social y cultural.
Resumo:
A partir de los escritos de José Carlos Mariátegui sobre Oriente, este artículo aborda el análisis del pensador peruano sobre la importancia de los movimientos independentistas de las colonias orientales de Asia y África posteriores a la Primera Guerra Mundial, y su interés en el caso de India. Se resalta la mirada crítica de Mariátegui respecto a la hegemonía de Occidente y el valor de las luchas por la independencia, vistas como la posibilidad de un cambio de orden político y social y, con ello, del surgimiento de una nueva conciencia.
Resumo:
Since the first election victory of the Thatcher administration in 1979, Britain has witnessed a cultural transformation from the municipal socialism enshrined in the post-World War 2 development of the Welfare State to a form of post-industrial entrepreneurialism based largely on market rationality. This has had a profound effect on all aspects of civil life, not least the redefinition of the role of active leisure. Since the late 1950s the dominant policy for active leisure has been 'Sport For All', an assertion of a social right too important to be left to the market. The transformation has, therefore, signalled a shift from government support for active leisure as an element of citizen rights to the use of leisure to promote the government's interest in legitimating a new social order based not on rights but on means. Thus access to active living is no longer a societal goal for all, but a discretionary consumer good, the consumption of which signifies 'active' citizenship. It furthermore signifies differentiation from the growing mass of 'deviants' who are unwilling or unable to embrace this new construction of citizenship and are, therefore, increasingly denied access to active living and, hence, active citizenship.
Resumo:
Since the first election victory of the Thatcher administration in 1979, Britain has witnessed a cultural transformation from the municipal socialism of the post-World War 2 Welfare State to a form of post-industrial entrepreneurialism. This has had a profound effect on all aspects of civil society, not least the redefinition of the role of active leisure from the 1950s evocation of 'Sport For All' to the market rationality of the 1980s. The transformation has signalled a shift from government support for active leisure as an element of citizen rights to the use of leisure to promote the government's interest in legitimating a new social order based not on rights but on means. Thus access to active living is no longer a societal goal for all, but a discretionary consumer good, the consumption of which signifies 'active' citizenship. It furthermore signifies differentiation from the growing mass of 'deviants' who are unwilling or unable to embrace this new construction of citizenship and are, therefore, increasingly denied access to active living and, hence, active citizenship.
Resumo:
This paper presents a reading of current UK Government policy on recreational access to the countryside of England, in terms of its citizenship and rights agenda. Given the continuity of traditional forms of land tenure and occupation, it is argued that the policy is less of recognition of the changing needs of a tranisitory society than it is a revisionist menifesto for resisting external influence and change. This is particularly so in terms of recreation, where the underlying organisation of the physical environment has been appropriated to reproduce a reflection of the social order which increasingly descriminates between culturally legitimate and illegitimate uses of rural space.
Resumo:
We explore the debates surrounding the constructive and discursive capabilities of accounting information focusing in particular on the reception volatility of numbers once they are produced and ‘exposed’ to various communities of minds. Drawing on Goffman’s (1974) frame analysis and Vollmer’s (2007) work on the three-dimensional character of numerical signs, we explore how numbers can go through gradual or instantaneous transformations, get caught up in public debates and become ‘agents’ or ‘captives’ in creating social order and in some cases social drama. In our analysis we also relate to the work of Durkheim (1993, 2002) on the sociology of morality to illustrate how numbers can become indicators of moral transgression. The study explores both historical and contemporary examples of controversies and recent accounting scandals to demonstrate how preparers (of financial information) can lose control over numbers which then acquire new meanings through social context and collective (re)framing. The main contribution of the study is to illustrate how the narratives attached to numbers are malleable and fluid across both time and space.
Resumo:
Definitions of violence in stories of survivors from the Bosnian war Previous research on violence during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina presents a one-sided picture of the phenomenon ”war violence.” Researchers have emphasized the importance of narratives but they have not focused on stories about war violence, nor have they analyzed the stories of war violence being a product of interpersonal interaction. This article tries to fill this knowledge gap by analyzing the narratives told by survivors of the war in northwestern Bosnia in the 1990s. The aim is to analyze how the survivors describe violence during the war, and also to analyze those discursive patterns that contribute in constructing the category ”war violence.” The construction of the category ”war violence” is made visible in the empirical material when the interviewees talk about (1) a new social order in the society, (2) human suffering, (3) sexual violence, and (4) human slaughter. All interviewees define war violence as morally reprehensible. In narratives on the phenomena ”war violence” a picture emerges which shows a disruption of the social order existing in the pre-war society. The violence practiced during the war is portrayed as organized and ritualized and this creates a picture that the violence practice became a norm in the society, rather than the exception. Narratives retelling violent situations, perpetrators of violence and subjected to violence do not only exist as a mental construction. The stories live their lives after the war, and thus have real consequences for individuals and society.
Resumo:
Este trabalho tem como objetivo fundamental proceder a uma análise teórico-critica dos testes de inteligência ou aptidão psicológica, entendidos como instrumentos que fornecem um tipo de medida "objetiva" do comportamento e que são construidos obedecendo a normas e critérios definidos pela "Psicometria" - ramo da "disciplina psicológica" que se ocupa da "teoria" e "metodologia" de construção de testes. A dissertação se compõe de quatro capítulos e uma conclusão. Nos dois primeiros capítulos examinam-se as categorias teóricas de "prática técnica': e "prática teórica ou iden¬tifica", procurando-se demonstrar que os testes de inteligência se constituem por um processo de construção técnico-ideológico, cujo mecanismo visa responder a uma determinação externa - uma "demanda social"- de "adaptação-readaptação" dos indivíduos na ordem social. No terceiro capitulo busca-se enfocar a "demanda social" dos testes de inteligência pela análise de determinadas concepções ideológicas que colocam a questão da inteligência e das aptidões como responsáveis pela hierarquização social. Evidencia-se que cumprindo "cientificamente" as funções de sele cionar, classificar e diferenciar os indivíduos, os testes sancionam um certo saber sobre a inteligência que tende a reproduzir as relações sociais especificas do modo de produção das chamadas sociedades capitalistas. No quarto capitulo analisam-se as contribuições de Michel Foucault sobre as práticas de exame (entre as quais se incluem os testes psicológicos) enfatizando-se que tais práticas emergem historicamente como objetos de saber e efeitos de poder e se constituem, fundamentalmente por essa articulação. Finalmente conclui-se por uma certa impossibilidade de se tratar os testes e a inteligência que eles produzem Unicamente ao nível da distinção ciência-ideologia, procurando-se avançar para uma posição em que se torna prioritário justamente identificar as articulações de poder presentes em qualquer produção de saber.
Resumo:
O trabalho destina-se a caracterizar e a delinear o conteúdo expresso no texto das Leis Orgânicas dos Ensinos Industrial, Comercial e Agricola, respectivamente, Decreto-lei n9 4.073 de 30 de janeiro de 1942, Decreto-lei n9 6.141 de 28 de dezembro de 1943 e Decreto-lei n9 9.613 de 20 de agosto de 1946 e a sua vinculação com o contexto politico-socio-econômico-administrativo-educacional. O estudo e esquematizado em quatro capitulos. Os dois pr1me1ros capitulos seguem a linha de investigaçao historica, sendo focalizadas as evoluções do ensino profi~ sional brasileiro e dos variados aspectos do contexto para posicionar o texto das Leis Orgânicas dos Ensinos Industrial, Comercial e Agricola. Os dois últimos capitulas tem como escopo aflorar a ideologia do texto dessas leis orgânicas, sendo que o terceiro capitulo apresenta a anilise de discurso do texto em evid~ncia, enquanto que o quarto capitulo analisa e interpreta as premissas ideologicas entre o texto das leis organicas e o contexto. Os quatro capItulas visam aos fatos e as ideias formuladas e sedimenta das pelo contexto, através do texto das Leis Orgânicas dos Ensinos Industrial, Comercial e Agricola. A pesquisa evidencia que o texto das Leis Orginicas dos Ensinos Industrial, Comercial e Agricola empreende perfeitamente as funções ideologicas elaboradas pelo gover no para atender i realidade do Estado Novo atraves da sedi mentação da ordem vigente e dos mecanismos de conservaçao e de reprodução sociais, apesar de ser constatada eial alienação is necessidades da efetivação do a parprocesso de industrialização no Pais e da construção de um modelo de sistema educacional adequado ao sistema geral de produçao e de acordo com o progresso social exigido pelo contex to.
Resumo:
It is an ethnographic work that has an objective of verifying devices throngh the residents of a low income suburban area, and the way they deal with their social relations through sonsumerism (and the aspiration connected to it), the symbolic character acquired through consumer goods, understood as one of the fundamental components for the comprehension of the web as relations that established, Though consumerism, individuais will reveal ways of communication, of the status, of creating new forms of action and identification. Using the principal that believes in a web of symbolic significance where own individuais develop their impressions, as a resource to look at their own bodies, a social order (yet unstable), and the process of inclusion in a broader society. In conclusion, the act of consuming is more than a perspective that establishes statistics on consumer goods, with their ways of production, circulation and economic functioning: it is also a way of perceiving a collection mapped by consumers individually and socially, and by those means organizing, classifying and identifyring the social world
Resumo:
The work that follows is dedicated to the study of the historic time experience by the political militancy from our time. The political militant from the left-wing is the one that denies the state of current things, recovering a historic experience located far before its time and projecting a future beyond the incessant reproduction of the present relations. We chosen the Landless Workers Movement, not as study object, but as specific place where this consciousness is made and can be comprehended. The historic consciousness study of the landless militancy is, for us, the best starting point to understand the magnification of the historical time operated on the change of social relations lived inside an organization. The time division between before and after, as well as the history being understood as a progress isn t a natural given data, but a construction that obeys the contradictions of the present. It, therefore, must understand how the present lived by the militancy operates changes on the consciousness of time. From documents, reference books, formation notebooks and several materials produced by MST, we try to understand the way that the movement tells his history and lists with this wider experience of the struggle for the change of the current social order. Similarly, when we hear reports of history of several militants, we try to comprehend how this wider narrative re-orients the sight over history himself, over the experience of contradictions on before and after making the landless militant
Resumo:
According to the Public National Security Plan, the security is "[ ] a right by democratic excellence legitimately desired by all sectors of society, which is the fundamental right of citizenship, obligation of the constitutional state and responsibility of each one of us." The 1988 Constitution recognized the rights of life, liberty and personal integrity, considered torture and racial discrimination as crimes. The prime directive of the National Security and Citizenship (Law No. 11,707 of June 19, 2008 - PRONASCI-Brazil) expresses the commitment of the Brazilian state with the promotion of human rights. But despite this formal recognition, official violence continues to be used as a means of maintaining social order, consolidating a police action violating human rights (Amnesty International report "They go in shooting" - AI Index: AMR 19/025/2005) . This thesis analyzes the police work combined with the extension of citizenship rights, the spaces of freedom and democracy as a measure for the degree of affirmation or denial of the Human Rights in Brazil, and proposes the construction of a human friendly Police Force (Post - Colonial, Post-Abyss, Intercultural and Democratic)