904 resultados para Self-government


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The era between the close of the nineteenth century and the onset of the First World War witnessed a marked increase in radical agitation among Indian and Irish nationalists. The most outspoken political leaders of the day founded a series of widely circulated newspapers in India and Ireland, placing these editors in the enviable position of both reporting and creating the news. Nationalist journalists were in the vanguard of those pressing vocally for an independent India and Ireland, and together constituted an increasingly problematic contingent for the British Empire. The advanced-nationalist press in Ireland and the nationalist press in India took the lead in facilitating the exchange of provocative ideas--raising awareness of perceived imperial injustices, offering strategic advice, and cementing international solidarity. Irish and Indian press coverage of Britain's imperial wars constituted one of the premier weapons in the nationalists' arsenal, permitting them to build support for their ideology and forward their agenda in a manner both rapid and definitive. Directing their readers' attention to conflicts overseas proved instructive in how the Empire dealt with those who resisted its policies, and also showcased how it conducted its affairs with its allies. As such, critical press coverage of the Boxer Rebellion, Boer War, Russo-Japanese War, and World War I bred disaffection for the Empire, while attempts by the Empire to suppress the critiques further alienated the public. This dissertation offers the first comparative analysis of the major nationalist press organs in India and Ireland, using the prism of war to illustrate the increasingly persuasive role of the press in promoting resistance to the Empire. It focuses on how the leading Indian and Irish editors not only fostered a nationalist agenda within their own countries, but also worked in concert to construct a global anti-imperialist platform. By highlighting the anti-imperial rhetoric of the nationalist press in India and Ireland and illuminating their strategies for attaining self-government, this study deepens understanding of the seeds of nationalism, making a contribution to comparative imperial scholarship, and demonstrating the power of the media to alter imperial dynamics and effect political change.

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Many of the elements that have traditionally supported state level normative self-organization, most notably territory, are being actively undermined by rising sea levels, flooding, desertification, amongst other climate change effects. As more and more states come to be redefined as â disappearingâ , that is, states losing their territories to the natural environment through no specific fault of their own, a question arises as to how displaced communities will be assisted in their desire (and right) to continue to practice principles of self-determination and self-government? What is clear is that the international community can no longer continue with the fiction of a unified or unchanging model of the liberal democratic state. Instead, alternative ontological models of sovereign community are required, as is a re-imagining of how statehood might be re-constituted in the future in response to deepening ecological problems. The international community must now begin to address the immanent nature of threats posed to disappearing states and consider how a model of statehood that does not privilege territory as a fixed component of state identity could be operationalized. This paper considers how a democratic reform of statehood might proceed and resettlement agreements for displaced communities determined. The transition to an era of peaceful sovereign relations under deteriorating global climate conditions and growing natural resource scarcity, it argues, will require a significant extension of established traditions of democratic compromise, human rights solidarity and cosmopolitan justice.

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Most Irish people, when asked what they know of the life and death of Kevin Barry, will pause for a moment while they recall the words of a famously maudlin ballad. A few points will emerge: ‘a lad of eighteen summers’ … ‘British soldiers tortured Barry’ … ‘refused to turn informer’ … ‘hanged him like a dog’ … ‘another martyr for old Ireland, another murder for the crown’. That they know anything at all about Kevin Barry is testimony, among other things, to the power of popular music for the making of political propaganda. Along with Father Murphy, Seán South and Fergal O’Hanlon, Kevin Barry figures in the pantheon of nationalist Ireland’s popular historical heroes, largely because somebody happened to write a good song about him. In many ways this is unfortunate, for Barry and the rest were once living people, and the process of iconographifying them in popular balladry, like all forms of political propaganda, serves not to clarify their roles in the historical events in which they played a part, but rather to obscure and distort them. So it is worth reconsidering the story of Kevin Barry, for a number of reasons. To begin with, his short life reached its climax at a vital moment in the long struggle for Irish self-government, a moment when the violence unleashed in 1916 burst forth again with renewed savagery on both British and Irish sides, involving in the Barry case the deaths of four young men aged between fifteen and twenty.

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Este estudo analiza como Manuel Rivas aproveita a ambigüidade do concepto de estereotipo para crear una identidade cultural galega. En Unha espía no Reino de Galicia (2004), Rivas propón que a imaxe paródica do galego e o conxunto de trazos estereotipados que se lle asignan non son un elemento alleo a cultura galega, senón que é un trazo integral da dialéctica da súa identidade nacional. Desta maneira, ó feito diferencial galego, ademais da lingua, a unidade territorial, o celtismo, ou a emigración, habería que engadir a capacidade do galego de parodiar o seu propio discurso nacional.

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This article analyses the programme discussion in the trade union’s press supported by the trade union’s regional structures: the Inter-Enterprise Founding Committee, and subsequently the Wielkopolska Regional Board of the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union “Solidarność”. The press of „Solidarność” in the Wielkopolska region is distinguished by two groups of articles: reprints from other independent papers and first-time published articles. This article only interprets the latter group of publications. Those articles mainly focused on dominant topics such as discussions on the trade union’s current programme and its organization, the economic reform, the preparation to local self-government elections and the trade union’s global strategy.

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The era between the close of the nineteenth century and the onset of the First World War witnessed a marked increase in radical agitation among Indian and Irish nationalists. The most outspoken political leaders of the day founded a series of widely circulated newspapers in India and Ireland, placing these editors in the enviable position of both reporting and creating the news. Nationalist journalists were in the vanguard of those pressing vocally for an independent India and Ireland, and together constituted an increasingly problematic contingent for the British Empire. The advanced-nationalist press in Ireland and the nationalist press in India took the lead in facilitating the exchange of provocative ideas—raising awareness of perceived imperial injustices, offering strategic advice, and cementing international solidarity. Irish and Indian press coverage of Britain’s imperial wars constituted one of the premier weapons in the nationalists’ arsenal, permitting them to build support for their ideology and forward their agenda in a manner both rapid and definitive. Directing their readers’ attention to conflicts overseas proved instructive in how the Empire dealt with those who resisted its policies, and also showcased how it conducted its affairs with its allies. As such, critical press coverage of the Boxer Rebellion, Boer War, Russo-Japanese War, and World War I bred disaffection for the Empire, while attempts by the Empire to suppress the critiques further alienated the public. This dissertation offers the first comparative analysis of the major nationalist press organs in India and Ireland, using the prism of war to illustrate the increasingly persuasive role of the press in promoting resistance to the Empire. It focuses on how the leading Indian and Irish editors not only fostered a nationalist agenda within their own countries, but also worked in concert to construct a global anti-imperialist platform. By highlighting the anti-imperial rhetoric of the nationalist press in India and Ireland and illuminating their strategies for attaining self-government, this study deepens understanding of the seeds of nationalism, making a contribution to comparative imperial scholarship, and demonstrating the power of the media to alter imperial dynamics and effect political change.

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Det övergripande syftet var att undersöka kommunala riktlinjer för anhöriganställningar tillgängliga på kommunernas hemsidor, dvs regeldokument gällande situationer där en anhörig anställs för att vårda en närstående. Det övergripande syftet har byggts upp utifrån följande tre frågeställningar angående hur kommunerna i Sverige beskriver: 1) vilka situationer som berättigar anhöriganställning, 2) hur det säkerställs att den äldre personen skall få sina behov tillgodosedda samt 3) hur säkerställs den anhöriganställdes rättigheter/välmående? Det saknas lagstöd för anhöriganställningar som rättighet, och det kommunala självstyret avgör om kommunen erbjuder denna omsorgsform. På senare tid har anhöriganställningar begränsats och förbjudits i flera svenska kommuner, och enligt uppgifter är det cirka 55–65 % av Sveriges kommuner som tillåter anhöriganställningar. Det är mestadels kvinnor med utländsk bakgrund som är anhöriganställda numera, och feministisk omsorgsforskning och media lyfter fram anhöriganställningar som en kvinnofälla och som en risk för integration av invandrare. I studien inkluderas riktlinjer från totalt 21 kommuner, vilka analyserades med kvalitativ innehållsanalys enligt Elo & Kyngäs (2007). De undersökta riktlinjerna hittades från hemsidorna för Sveriges 121 medelstora och stora kommuner (mer än 20 000 invånare). Resultatet har bearbetats med hjälp av feministisk teori (Hirdman 2012). Resultatet visar att det överlag finns få riktlinjer tillgängliga i Sveriges kommuner och att regelverken skiljer sig åt i de olika kommunerna.  I de riktlinjer som finns är ofta innehållet allmänna eller oklara beskrivningar. En slutsats är därför att många kommuner säkerställer sitt eget handlingsutrymme och ett tolkningsföreträde genom otydliga och allmänt hållna regler i sina riktlinjer. Utifrån ett feministiskt perspektiv kan dessa tolkningsföreträden skapa orättvisa strukturer och skillnader i förutsättningar och villkor för de äldre och för deras anhörigvårdare avseende anhöriganställningar. Slutligen visar resultatet på att de få detaljerade beskrivningarna prioriterar de äldres rättigheter framför de anhöriganställdas. Säkerställandet av de anhöriganställdas rättigheter beskrivs huvudsakligen att ske genom att kontrollera och styra de anhöriganställda. De anhöriganställda är ofta osynliga i riktlinjerna, betraktas som pseudoanställda och hamnar därför mellan stolarna vad gäller stödbehovet (Sand 2010).

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Research into legal education suggests that many students enter law school with ideals about using the law to achieve social change, but graduate with some cynicism regarding these ideals. It is often argued that law schools provide a negative, competitive, and conservative environment for students, pushing many away from social justice ideals towards more self-interested, vocational concerns. This article uses Michel Foucault’s work on the government of the self to suggest another way of understanding this process. It examines a range of prescriptive texts that provide students with advice about how to study law and ‘survive’ law school. In doing so, it posits that this apparent loss of social ideals does not necessarily always signify that the student has become politically conservative or has had a negative educational experience. While these legal personae may appear outwardly conservative, and indeed still reflect particular gendered or raced perspectives, by examining the messages that these texts offer students, this article suggests that an apparent loss of social ideals can be the result of a productive shaping of the self. The legal persona they fashion can incorporate social justice ideals and necessitate specific ways of acting on those ideals. This analysis adds to the growing body of research that uses Foucault’s work to rethink common narratives of power and the shaping of the self in legal education, and provides legal educators with new ways of reflecting on the effects of legal education.

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This article analyses ‘performance government’ as an emergent form of rule in advanced liberal democracies. It discloses how teachers and school leaders in Australia are being governed by the practices of performance government which centre on the recently established Australian Institute for Teaching and School Leadership (AITSL) and are given direction by two major strategies implicit within the exercise of this form of power: activation and regulation. Through an ‘analytics of government’ of these practices, the article unravels the new configurations of corporatized expert and academic knowledge—and their attendant methods of application—by which the self-governing capacities of teachers and school leaders are being activated and regulated in ways that seek to optimize the performance of these professionals. The article concludes by outlining some of the dangers of performance government for the professional freedom of educators and school leaders.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Shipping list no.: 93-214-P.

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Indigenous self-determination is the recognised right of all peoples to freely determine their political status, and pursue their economic, social and cultural development. Unfinished Constitutional Business? offers fresh insights into the ways communities can chart their own course and realise self-determination. Because the history of colonisation is emotionally charged, the issue has been clouded by a rhetoric that has sometimes obstructed analysis.

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For nearly twenty-five years, the field of youth studies has employed the same conceptual tools to explain the conduct of young people, tools that inexorably lead to the same recurrent conclusions-youth equals resistance, youth equals alienation, youth equals problem. This book offers a way out of this theoretical Groundhog Day. Starting with the familiar notion of youth subcultures, but also addressing topics such as young women's magazines, 'at risk' youth, anorexia nervosa, and HIV/AIDS programs, this book examines the way in which youth is produced as both a governmental object and a set of practices of the self. Employing the ideas of Foucault, Rose and Mauss, this new approach attempts to reinvigorate what is an important-yet slumbering-area of research.

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This paper looks at the severe fasting practices most commonly found among young women. Almost all explanations for this behaviour centre around the notion of the pathological condition 'anorexia nervosa'. However, food asceticism has a well-documented history, particularly when it concerns religious fasting. In ancient Greece, dietary asceticism constituted an important part of the means by which individuals constructed an acceptable 'self'. Ascetic fasting then later resurfaced at various historical moments and in various different places — such as amongst medieval religious women and, in a broader way, amongst contemporary young women. It is argued that these practices have traditionally formed part of the mechanisms by which differentiation by age and sex occurs. Overall, it is hoped that this analysis will permit not only a different focus on 'anorexia nervosa', but also on some of the ways in which young people become gendered.