The ICC Debate and the EU-U.S. Struggle for Influence: The Case of the Balkan-6. ACES Working Paper No. 11, October 2007

The objectives of the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) for the countries of the Balkan region are generally assumed to be complementary. They both stress and condition their support and assistance on the progress that these countries make with regards to economic modernization, build-up of social institutions, and respect for international law. However, this rhetoric doesn't always match the facts on the ground. Often, instead of dealing with a cohesive set of policy recommendations, the countries in the region are faced with contradictory alternatives and zero-sum choices. The debate over the development of the International Criminal Court (ICC) was such a case. It centered on whether the countries in the region should exempt US personnel from the jurisdiction of the Court while in the country and thus rendering them immune from prosecution for any crimes committed for which the US courts were not willing or able to take any action. The final outcome was mixed. Three of the countries - Croatia, Serbia (and Montenegro), and Slovenia - decided not to give in to US pressure, while the remaining three - Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia - ignored the pleas and threats of the EU and of the various international non-governmental organizations and decided to sign Bilateral Immunity Agreements (BIAs) with the US. How can one explain such divergent outcomes? I argue that the credibility of actors involved played an important role in determining whether threats coming from the US or the EU were more credible, thus tipping the scales in favor of signing BIAs with the US. However, the issue of threat credibility serves only to narrow down the choices of actors. Further determination of the outcome necessitates a look at the nature of the security context in which these countries exist and operate.

The European Union’s Regionalism Diplomacy in Africa: An English School Approach. Bruges Regional Integration & Global Governance Papers [BRIGG] #2.2015

This paper proposes an innovative analytical approach to regionalism promotion by the European Union (EU) in Africa. The approach pursues the dual aim of accommodating African approaches to regionalism in EU foreign policy analysis and of expounding the centrality of diplomacy in negotiating a renewed EU-African Union relationship. The concept of ‘regionalism diplomacy’ brings the negotiated and contentious nature of EU regionalism promotion to the fore. The paper espouses contemporary English School thinking about ‘international society’ and argues that EU regionalism promotion cannot just remain the expansion of European regional international society onto Africa. Instead, EU regionalism diplomacy should acknowledge and incorporate the anticolonial pan-African roots of African regionalism. Overall, the EU should seek a more diplomacy-focused, negotiated Africa-Europe interregional relationship. The paper concludes with an outline of a pan-African approach to regionalism diplomacy and avenues for future research.

War crimes, conditionality and EU integration in the Western Balkans

The baleful legacy of the wars of the 1990s continues to dog the states and societies of the former Yugoslavia and has overshadowed the disappointingly slow and hesitant trajectory of the region towards the EU. At the start of the new millennium, with the removal of key wartime leaders from the political scene in both Croatia and Serbia, it was widely hoped that the region would prove able to ‘leave the past behind’ and rapidly move on to the hopeful new agenda of EU integration. The EU’s Copenhagen criteria, which in 1993 first explicitly set out the basic political conditions expected of aspirant EU Member States, proved effective in the case of the new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe in supporting the entrenchment of democratic norms and practices, and stimulating reconciliation and good neighbourly relations among countries with turbulent histories. Building on this experience, the Stabilisation and Association Process, launched for the countries of the Western Balkans in 1999, included both full cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and regional reconciliation among the political conditions set for advancing these countries on the path to EU integration. EU political conditionality was intended to support the efforts of new political leaders to redefine national goals away from the nationalist enmities of the past and focus firmly on forging a path to a better future. This Chaillot Paper examines the extent to which this strategy has worked, especially in the light of the difficulties it has encountered in the face of strong resistance to cooperation among sections of the former Yugoslav population, many of whom have not yet fully acknowledged the crimes committed during the 1990s. Key chapters in the volume raise the vital questions of leadership and political will. EU political conditionality does not work unless the EU has a partner ready and willing to ‘play the game’, which presupposes that EU integration has become the overriding priority on the national political agenda.

L’évolution du cadre juridique relatif à la violence sexuelle commise à l’égard des femmes en droit international pénal

Dans ce texte sera abordée l’évolution du cadre juridique relatif à la violence sexuelle commise à l’égard des femmes en droit international pénal. Une analyse juridique, adoptant une approche historique et féministe, sera développée à l’égard du traitement de la violence sexuelle commise à l’égard des femmes par les tribunaux pénaux internationaux suivants : le Tribunal militaire international de Nuremberg, le Tribunal militaire international de Tokyo, le Tribunal pénal international pour l’ex-Yougoslavie, le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda ainsi que la Cour pénale internationale. Le développement du droit international humanitaire et du droit international des droits de la personne, à la suite de la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale, sera également analysé à cet égard. Il sera exposé que la violence sexuelle commise à l’égard des femmes a fait l’objet d’un silence historique, en droit international pénal, qui a persisté jusqu’à l’élaboration du Statut de Rome de la Cour pénale internationale. Ce dernier Statut est synonyme d’une évolution normative marquante, bien que plusieurs obstacles et défis soient encore à relever.

Ejercicio de la ciudadanía global femenina ante los tribunales internacionales: el impacto del activismo ciudadano en la corte interamericana de derechos humanos

El documento asume que el ejercicio de la ciudadanía plena, enun contexto globalizado, debe partir de consideraciones políticas,culturales y económicas antes que de un reconocimiento legal. Seentiende que la ciudadanía global, como un vehículo planetario,puede ser ostentada por personas individuales y por gruposidentitarios, como las mujeres, de manera que se llega a concebirel movimiento social de mujeres como el Estado en Red de Castells.Sin embargo, se aprecia que este ejercicio ciudadano no puedeser pleno, sin la existencia de unos tribunales internacionales dejusticia que garanticen los derechos implícitos en el concepto deciudadanía, que en el caso concreto de la Corte Interamericana havenido moldeando el ejercicio de la ciudadanía global a partir delestablecimiento de unos estándares jurisprudenciales en materiade derechos humanos de las mujeres, aplicables en cada uno de losEstados que han reconocido la competencia de la Corte Regional.

Age of pending criminal cases report for period 7/1/2015 thru 5/31/2016

This gives statistics on the age of pending criminal cases broken down by circuits and counties.

Criminal Records Summary of Activity by Circuit/County For Period 7/1/2015 Thru 5/31/2016

This gives the criminal records summary of activity by circuit/county.

Modos de intervención criminal punible en crímenes de atrocidad: un análisis jurídico-penal a partir de los aportes de la criminología

790 p.

Criminal Records Summary of Activity by Circuit/County For Period 07/01/2015 Thru 06/30/2016 - Program-ID CRM60

This gives the criminal records summary of activity by circuit/county.

Age of pending criminal cases report for period 7/1/2016 thru 9/30/2016

This gives statistics on the age of pending criminal cases broken down by circuits and counties.

Criminal records summary of activity by circuit/county for period 7/1/2016 Thru 9/30/2016

This gives the criminal records summary of activity by circuit/county.

Tribunal Constitucional Internacional, Direitos Humanos e Tribunal Penal Internacional

Resumo: a criação de um Tribunal Constitucional Internacional irá possibilitar uma melhor defesa, manutenção e promoção dos direitos humanos fundamentais. Uma melhor protecção da democracia. Os direitos humanos fundamentais são, por excelência, um fenómeno que merece uma tutela por parte dos Tribunais. E também de uma protecção constitucional. Mutatis mutandis, é útil analisar o Tribunal Penal Internacional.§ Abstract: the creation of an International Constitutional Court will enable better protection, maintenance and promotion of fundamental human rights. Better protection of democracy. Fundamental human rights are par excellence, a phenomenon that deserves protection by the courts. And also a constitutional protection. Mutatis mutandis, it is useful to analyze the International Criminal Court.

Regulating Multi-National Corporations Through State-Based Laws : Problems with Enforcing Human Rights Under The Alien Tort Statute

Under the Alien Tort Statute United States of America (“America”) Federal Courts have the jurisdiction to hear claims for civil wrongs, committed against non-American citizens, which were perpetrated outside America’s national borders. The operation of this law has confronted American Federal Courts with difficulties on how to manage conflicts between American executive foreign policy and judicial interpretations of international law. Courts began to pass judgment over conduct which was approved by foreign governments. Then in 2005 the American Supreme Court wound back the scope of the Alien Tort Statute. This article will review the problems with the expansion of the Alien Tort Statute and the reasons for its subsequent narrowing.

Self-defence against terrorism in the post 9/11 world

In 1986 the then United States Secretary of State George Shultz asserted that: It is absurd to argue that international law prohibits us from capturing terrorists in international waters or airspace; from attacking them on the soil of other nations, even for the purpose of rescuing hostages; or from using force against states that support, train and harbor terrorists or guerrillas. At that time the United States’ claim of a right to use military force in self-defence against terrorism2 received little support from other states.3 The predominant view then was that terrorist attacks committed by private or non-state actors were a form of criminal activity to be combated through domestic and international criminal justice mechanisms. The notion that such terrorist acts should be treated as ‘armed attacks’ triggering a victim state’s right of self-defence was not accepted by the majority of states. To suggest, as Shultz had done, that a state not directly responsible for terrorist acts could have its territorial integrity violated by military action targeting terrorists located within that state, was a controversial proposition in 1986. However, some fifteen years later, when the United States and a coalition of allies launched a military campaign in Afghanistan following the 11 September 2001 (hereafter ‘9/11’) terrorist attacks, there was virtually unanimous international support for the use of force.